VOLUME IV, · PART II. · OONG.RESSIONA.L R .E OORD. . - FIRST ·sESSION. FORTY-FOURTH CONGRESS . • ' ~ . . / • • ) ' • - CONGRE·SSIONAL RECORD: CONT.A.INING THE PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE FORTY-FOURTH . CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION; . ALSO . I SPECIAL SESSION .OF THE SENATE. VOLUME IV. · WASHINGTON: GOVERNME~T PRINTING OFFICE 18 7 6. GiFT H·~ ....TE OF 11t C~.. ~ ,.lNG Ill GCTBB 23, 1941 '1111 UB Y OF CO GP.£SS • VOLUME IV, · PART II. CONG.RESSIONA.L R .E CORD. . - FIRST SESSION. FORTY-FOURTH CONGRESS . . • . CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1009 fully repel those charges which always follow where the temptation vision of prophet or seer f And this enormous issue of legal-tenuers to tlo wrong is powerful and the way easy. Experience would very to take the place of bank-notes is only the beginning of the policy soon demonstrate that 110 more corrupt or corrupting device, no wilder to be inaugumted: ' '.rhe "wants of tratle" would speedily demand or more visionary project, ever entered the brain of the schemer or another issue, for the essential nature of an irredeemable currency the empiric. is that it has no limit till a reaction is born of crushing disaster. A If the people of the Unitecl States were fully awake and aroused to lesson might be learned (by tho e willin~ to l>e taught by fact and their interests, and could see things as they are, inst.ead of increasing experience) from the course of events durmg the war. When we had the power of Congress over the currency they would by the shortest one hundred and fifty millions of legal-tender in circulation, it stood practicable process divorce the two, completely and forever. And for a long while nearly at par with gold. As the issue increased in this can only l>e done finally, effectually, irreversibly, by the resump- amount the depreciation was very rapid, and at the time we :fixed the tion of specie payment. Why, Mr. Chairman, it is hardly an exag- :tom hundred million limit, that whole vast sum had less pmcha ing geration to say that, ever since the Government was compelled to resort power in exchange for lands, or houses, or merchandise than the hun- to irredeemable currency dming the war, the assembling of Congress dred and fifty millions had two years before. In th~ spring of 1862, and its continuance in session have beeu the most disturbing elements $150,000,000 of legal-tender would buy in the market 147,000,000 in in the business of the country. It is literall true that no man can gold coin. In June, 1864,$400,000,000 of legal-tender would buy only tell what a day may bring forth. One large interest looks hopefully $140,000,000 in gold coin. to contmction and the lowering of the gold premium; another is ruined And if we had not fixed the £om-hundred-million limit, but bad unless there is such a movement toward expansion as will send gold up. gone on issuing addit.ional amounts according to the" wants of trade," Each side, of course, endeavors to influence and convince Congress. as now argued and mged by the modern democratic financiers, the Both sides natUTally have their sympathizing advoca.tes on this floor, result would have been that .at each successive inflation the purcha iug and hence the substantial business interests of the country are kept in power of the aggregate rna s would have been made less, and the a feverish, doubtful, speculative state. Men's mindS are turned from value of the whole would have gone down, down, till it reached that hone t industry to schemes of financial gambling, the public morals point of utter worthlessness which so many like experiments have suffer, old-fashioned integrity is forgotten, and solid, enduring pros- reached before; and the legal-tender, with all its vast capacity for perity, with honest gains and quiet contentment, is rendered impos- good in a great national crisis, would have taken its place in history sible. We have suffered thus far in perhaps as light a degree as could alongside of the French a.ssignat and the Continental currency. The be expected under the circumstances; but once auopt t.he insane idea four-bundred-million limit.happily saved us that direful experience, that all currency shall be issued directly by the Government, and that and at once caused the legal-tender w appreciate; but, unwilling to Congress shall be the judge of the amount demanded by the "wants learn by this striking fact, the inflationists insist upon a scheme of of trade," and you have this country adrift, rudderless, on a sea of expansion which would speedily raise the price of bonds to unprece- troubles, shoreless and soundless. dented figures, and by the time they should succeed in purchasing It is a singular circumstance, Mr. Chairman-one of those odd hap- those that now stand as security for national-bank circulation they penings sometimes brought about by political mutat.ions-that those would have increased the national debt by countless millions, and instean of making a. sav:fi ~or the Treasury they would end by de- 1 who mge this scheme upon the Government are democrats, every one of whom would doubtless claim to be a true disciple of Andrew Jack- priving it of the eight · · ons of tax annually paid by the bank , son. And yet all the evils of which Jackson warned the count.ry in and the people would have lost the additional eight millions of local his famous controversy with the United States Bank are a thousanu tax derived from the same sow·ce. fold magnified and a thousand-fold aggravated in this plan of making I have not spoken of the confusion, the distress, the ruin that would the Treasury Department itself the bank, with Congress for the gov- result from forcing twenty-one hundred banks suddenly to wind up erning board of directors. I commend to gentlemen of democratic their affairs with nearly a thousand millions of dollars due them, which antecedents a careful perusal of Jackson's great message of July 10, in some form must needs Le liquidated and paid. The commercial 1832, anu I wish them to franlDy tell this House how they think J ack- fabric of the country rests upon the bank credits, and nothing short son would have regarded the establishment of a great national paper- of financial lunacy could demand their rude llisturbance. Whoever money machine, to be located for all time iri the Treasury Depart- would strike down. the banks, under the delusion that they can be ment, the bills of which shall have no provision for their redemption, driven to sruTendor t.heir bonds for inflated legal-tenders, knows lit- and the amount of those bills to be determined by a majority vote in tle of the laws of finance and still less of the laws of human action. a party caucus. Among the anomalies presented in the currency discussion, M.r. And then, after Jackson's veto message shall have been diligently Chairman, is that the West and the South · should have so large an peruseu and inwardly digested by the democratic advocates of irre- element clamorous for infln.tion. Of all sections interested in the spe- deemable paper money, I will ask tbem if the present national-bank cie standard the West and the South stand first. The great stavles system does not fully meet all of Jackson's objections, and if it is not, produced in t.hose vast and fertile regions, wheat, coru, flow·, beef, indeed, as nearly as the difference of time and circumstances will per- pork, hides, toba-cco, hemp, cotton, rice, and sugar, are inevitably and mit, such a system of banking as Jackson indirectly commendeu and peremptorily subjected to the gold standard when sold. The price as be professed himself ready to submit a plan for if Congress should of cotton sent to Lowell is just as much determined by the ~old stand- desire itf Disclaiming, as I have done, any special championship of ard as that which is exported to Manchester, and the breaastuffs sold the national banks; but merely referring to facts of record, I would in New York are da.ily equated with the prices of the Liverpool corn be glad fur1iher to ask if the pt·esent system, in its entire freedom from exchange. And so of all the other commodities. Anu yet we hear monopoly, being equally open to all; if in the absolute protection it af- representatives of the great intet·ests that are thus compelled to sell fordsto that .innocent thlruparty, the billholder, (no man ever having a.t gold prices, resolute and determined in their demauus that they lost a dollar by the bills of national banks during the thirteen years shall be allowed to pmcha.se all their supplies on the paper basis. the system ha been in operation, whereas in the preceding thirteen Whe11. it is ~einembered that the whole of the annual crop in thi.., years the losses to the people by bill.& of State banks exceeded fifty country, reckoning all products, reaches the enormous amount of millions of dollars;) if in that universal credit attached to its bills, three thousand millions on the gold basis, and that the surplus not saving the people all losses from exchange or discount wherever pay- consumed by the producers is many hundreds of millions of dollars, m ent is to be made within the United States; if in its protection of and that the value of the whole is estimated by the gold standard, the rights of depositors; if in its strength and sohency in time of the farmen; of the country may find profitable food for reflection in finanmal disaster; if in its subjection to taxation, both by the Gen- calculating what the agricultmal interest loses every year by an irre- eral and State Governments, until it confessedly pays a heavier tax deemable paper cmrency. than any other species of property; if in its capacity to measure by One great and leading .interest of my own and other States has the unvaryin~ law of supply and demand the precise amount of cir- suffered, still suffers, and will continue to suffer so long a.s the cur- culation reqrured by the "wants of trade,"-! would be glad, I repeat, rency is of irredeemable paper. I mean the ship-bnildin(J" ancl navi- to ask any democratic opponent of the system if it does not in each gation interes~ne that does more for the country and a ~ less from and all these featUTes fill the ideal requirement of a bank as foreshad- it than any other except the agricultural; an interest that represent. owed by Jackson, and if it (loes not inueed far transcend any ideal our distinctive nationality in all climes and upon all seas; au intere ·t Jackson had, in its freedom for all to engage-in it, in its absolute se- more . essentially and intensely American than any other that falls curity to the public, and in its singular adaptation to act as- a regu- under the legislative power of the Government, anu which asks only ln.tor of the currency, preventing undue expansion and undue con- to-day to be left where the founders of the Republic placet! it a traction with equal and unfailing certainty, and adjusting itself at hundred years ago. Give us the same basis of currency that our once to the specie standard whenever the Government shall place its great competitors of the British Empire enjoy, and we will, within own notes at par with coin f the lifetime of those now living, float a larger tonnage under the It is urged by the opponents of the "banking system that the three American flag than was ever enrolled by one nationality since the hundreu and twenty millions of bank circulation can be supplieu by science of navigation has been known among men. Aye, more, sir; legal-tenders and the interest on that amount of bonds stepped! give us the specie basis, and the merchant marine of America., sailing How f Does any gentleman suppose that the bonds owned by- the into all zones and gathering gain from all continents, will bring back "banks, and on deposit in the Treasmy, will be exchanged for legal-tend- to our shores its golden profits and supply to us that coin whjch will ers of a new and inflated issue f · Those bonds are payable, principal steady our system and offset the drain~:; that weaken us in other and interest, in gold; and, with the present amount of legal-tender directions. But ships built on the paper basis cannot compete with notes, they are worth in the market from $1.16 to $1.25. What will the lower-priced ones of the gold basis, and whoever advocates a per· they be worth in paper money when you double the amount of legal- petuity of paper money in. this country confesses his readiness and wil- tenders and postpone the day of specie resumption far beyond the lingness to sacritice the navigation and commercial interestfor all time IV-64 1.010 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 10, It is often made the subject of reproach by the opponents of the liberal estimate of the property of the entire thirteen States placed it republican party that ten years have elapsed since the war closed at sL"'i:: hundretl millions of dollars-less than the·wealth of Boston or and nothin~teffective has been done toward the resumption of specie of Chicago to-clay. The popu1a.tion was four millions, sho.w ing a prop- payment. Even if this were true the democrats are not justified in erty of one hundred and fifty dollars to each inhabitant. By the cen- making the charge, for their party organization has been the prin- sus of 1870 our population had increased to thh·ty-eight millions and cipal obstacle and stumbling-block in the way of resumption·. But, our wealth to thirty thousand millions, showing eight hundred dollars in fact, a great deal has been clone toward specie payment by pre- per capita for the whole people. Our population had increased in venting inflation and keeping the Government thus far within the the eighty intervening years not quite tenfold, but our wealth had four-hundred-million limit. To do this it has been necessary to wage increased fifty-fold. The patriots of 1790, with their slender resources, a very sharp war with the democrats, and against their demands that did not hesitate to assume a national debt of ninety millions of dollars, . the national debt be paid in-legal-tender notes, the republicans have being more than one-seventh of their entire possessions; and it never had then· hands full thus far to maintain the demands and dues of occurred t.o them that an abandonment of the specie basis would make common honesty. then· burden lighter. They knew from their terrible experience with As matter of fact, however, I. am quite willing to at rigid value in the exchanges of tmde. contraction and needlessly cripple their power of discount; thus But this, sir, is only the scaffolding of his discourse. The sub- plunging the whole country into confusion, disturbing credits, stance and the marrow of his speech has more relation to a near po- embarrassing payments, fatally derangin~ business, and creating litical event of great importance to persons ancl to parties, affecting widespread distress among the people. 1t would be a peculiarly the political control of the country, than it bas to the elucidation of severe blow to the debtor class, and would make resumption to them any problems of public policy in aid of legislation here. the signal of bankruptcy and ruin. All wise legislation toward re- He reviews what be is pleased to term the political history of the sumptior~: will take care that no needless burden be thrown on. those currency question anu seeks to a-ssail the democratic party for its part who have debts to pay, and that in the transition the banks shall be in that history. Why, sir, the democratic party hu.s had no hand in kept in such a condition as will J;Uake them as helpful as possible to the fashioning of that history. It is the work of the republican party the business community. B11t this policy would drive the banks into now in power; and if it needs to have any apology, that apology needs a struggle for self-preservation in which debtors would necessarily to come from the other side of the House; and the gentleman in his be sacrificed. If I correctly apprehend the sound public j ndgment on speech to-day has sought to make that apology. I propose ere I close this question, there is no desire to destroy the legal-tender cnaracter to discuss the merits and tlJe soundness of that apology. Ay, sir, I of the note, but a settled determination to bring it to par with coin, repeat, from the legal-tender act, the origin, tho fountu.in of our finan- and by this means bring every bank-note to the same standard. This cial calamities, down to the act of one year ago, that wretched fig-leaf policy will restore the coin of the country, of which we are producing cover of the nakedness of the republican party, that party has made over eighty millions per annum, to active circulation in the channels this history; and by that r econl it shall be judged and its deserts of trade, and will result not only in making our money better, but awarded by an intelligent people. assuredly more plentiful among the people. It is a humiliating fact To begin with, the gentleman defends the legal-tender act as meri- that, producing as we do a far larger amount of precious metal than torious and wise. Had he made excuse for that act, urging that it all the rest of the w<1rld beside, we drive it into export because we was passed in a time of great financial stress when statesmen lost will not create a demand for it u.t home. And the miners of the Par their heads and were carried a way by pu.nic, and that it was done for cific slope are furnishing the circulatiug medium for every country a patriotic purpose, I would have admitted weight to his excuse; I of the civilized world except their own, whose financial policy to-day would concede that the statesmen of that day should have the ben e- outlaws and expatriates the product of their labor. fit of a lenient construction of their blunder. But when he seeks to The act providing for resumption in 1879 requires, in t,be judgment gather from the adoption of t hat weak financial expedient lamels to of the Secretary of the Treasury, some additional legislation to make wreathe the brows of the party that is responsible for it, and would it practical and effective. As it stands, it fixes a date, but gives no invoke odium on the democrats of that day who opposed it, then be adequate process; and the paramount duty of Congress is to provide frames an issue which we are not lou.th to meet. a process. And in all legislation looking to tba.t end it must be It is conceded that the legal-tender act was unconstitutional. We borne in mind that unless we move in harmony with the great busi- know what dire results have come from it. And what is the excuse ness interests of the country, we shall assuredly faiL Specie pay- and the justification offered for it f 'l'he gentleman t ells us that the ment can only be brought about by wise and well considered legis- country was in great financial perplexity; that its Treasury was lation, based on the experience of other nations, emhodying the ma- nearly bankrupt ; that the safety of the nation-ay, that is the term, tured wisdom of the country, healthfully promoting alllegi tima.te busi- and I have heard it before; it is the convenient cover for many and ness and carefully avoiding everything that may tend to create fear many an outrage on constitutional liberty and the welfare of the peo- and distrust among the people. In other words, what we most need a~ ple-that the safety of the nation demanded it. Sir, I deny it. Eng- the · outgrowth of legislation is confidence, public and private, gen- land in her twenty years of suspension of specie payments never eral and individual. To-day we are suflering from the timidity of ventured to that length. She did not dare to make her bank-note~ capital; and so long as the era of doubt and uncertainty prevails, that legal tender and thus change the tixed standard of values u,nd unsettl~ timidity will continue and increase. Steps toward inflation will make the foundations of her business prosperity. it chronic; pnwise steps toward resumption will not remove it. We Doubtless our rulers in 1 62, wiser in their own conceit than tb(\ shall have discharged our full duty in Congress if we can mature a wisdom of experience, thought by the legal-tender act to give valu{\ mea ure which will steadily advance our currency to the specie stan- to the notes and save them from depreciation. But the notes after dard, and at the same time work in harmony with the reviving in- being given the legal-tender quality were no more money than they dustries and great commercial wants of the country. were before. They met the assured fate which inevitably waits on In any event, Mr. Chairman, whatever we may do or whatever we all paper issue not convertible with coin. ma.y lea.ve undone on this whole financial question, iet us not delude The attempt to force value into them by coercive legislation failed ourselves with the belief that we can escape the specie standard. lt c~nspicuously. And just here I ~enture to say that the scheme urged rules us to-day, and has ruled us throughout the whole legal-tender by some to appreciate the" greenbacks" by making them receivn.ble period, just as absolutely as though we were paying and receiving for customs, for a like reason, if tried, will fail ofthe o hject. The only coin daily. Our work, our fabrics, our commodities, are all measured result can be to diminish the Government revenue by the difference by it, and so long as we cling to irredeemable paper we have all the oetween the value of gold and the value of legal-tenders and to. end burdens and disadvanta7ces of the gold standard, with none of its aids more gold abroad. For, sir, gold will not stay idle. If it cannot find and gains and profits. 'The thing which hath been is that which employme-nt here, it will seek employment elsewhere. • shall be." The great law-giver of antiquity records in the very open- One exhibit the gentleman makes furnishes a most striking illus- ing chapters of Genesis that "the gold of the land of Havilah is good." tration of this truth. He says that when the issue in 1 ti2 was And, with another precious metal, it has maintained its rank to this $150,000,000 it would buy more gold and therefore was worth more day. No nation has ever succeeded in establishing any other stand- than the $400,000,000 of legal-tender issue in 1!:l64; that is, the more ard of value ; no nation has ever made the experiment except at money the Government issued the less it had. And still the debt grew, great cost and sorrow; and the advocates of irredeemable money sir, and to that fatal policy of irredeemable paper issue by the Gov- to-day are but asking us to travel the worn and weary road, traveled ernment the country to-day_mu.y charge the addition of a burden of so many times before-a road that has always ended in disaster and at least $1,000,000,000 to the public debt, untler which the industry of often in disgrace. _ the couutry suffers and must suffer. 1012 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 10, An able student of political economy in discussing this legislation I read, sir, the resolution adopted as one of the pl:uiks of the demo- very forcibly, as I believe, puts the correct proposition. I quote from cratic party in its national convention in 1868 : Professor Sumner, of Yale College. Speaking of this particular leg- is~ation and the debate which preceded its enactments, he says: Third. Payment of the public debt of the United States as rapidly as practicable; all moneys drawn from the people by taxation, exc~pt so much as is r equisite for The spirit of debate was that of panic. The finances bad been allowed to drift the necessities of the Government economically adminil:>tered, being honestly ap- iuto a serious condition, and then, inst.ead of applying cool and calm reason to find plied t~ such payment; and where the obligations of the Government do not ex- out and correct mistakes, recourse was taken to the last and most desperate re- pressly state U]lOn their face or the law upon which they w ere issued does not. pro- source. The financial interests of a great nation for an indefinite future were vide t1iey shall be paid in coin. they ought in Ijght and in justice to be paid in the st.'tkell upon the desperate resource to tide over a temporary exigency. When the lawful money of the United States. · l e~:>sons of history were quoted they were answered by the flag a.nd eagle. When The proposition involved in this is simply that that portion of the obj ection was urged in view of possible contingencies, it was answered by proph- public debt which by its terms, expressed on its face, which terms ecies of military success and denunciations of rebels. When the need of delibera- tion was urged, it was answered by clamor in regard to the necessities of the Gov- were made by the republican party, is payable in lawful money, ernment. . When it was sai at Guayaquil, the average being only one in two years, they fell to !1>371-an enormous decline, and one which we thought that the consulate should be abolished and the.port remitted to a con- should be inquired into. In making this inquiry we sought other sular agent with fees. advice and counsel t.han our own. We discovered that as far back We come next to Rio Grande de Sul. This consulate, which we as 1870 Mr. Seward, the consul at Shangl;lai~ since promoted, I be- recommended be aholished for the reasons already given, is in Brazil. lieve, a-s minister to China, recommendecl the abolition of this con- We have also. recommended the abolition of the consulate at Ma- sulate. We have remitted that port to the fee system, because the r anham. In reference to this place we have not been c1ble to learn trade, which has fallen off at that place, is carefully taken care of by anything from the books, although we made most diligent search. the consul at Shanghai. The consul at Chin-Kiang formerly granted . lt seems that this port of .M:aranham in former times was a place at permits so that persons could go into the in terior of China and make which our ves els took refuge in distress. While we could finu noth- sale of their goods. This was the sole benefit which resulted in the ing in the state reports in reference to this place, we subsequently most prosperous -times of that consulate. Now the same duty is per- learned from a gentleman who had formerly been stationed at Ma,mn- formed by the consul at Shanghai. ham in our service that there was not in his judgment the slightest The next consulate we have changed the character of in that coun- reasonable ground for keeping np a consulate t here. H e had experi- try is that at Swatow. That is within the jurisdiction of the viceroy ence a.s our consul. of Canton. The r eceipts there were in 1872 679; in 1874 they had The next place in South America which we proposed to abolish was declined to $316. Hence we thought that ' post could bo remitted to the consulate at Talcahuano, in Chili. In former times it was an im- the fee system; and eyen if that should not answer, no possible harm portant place in some respect,s so far as shipping was concerned. The can come, because the consul :1t Canton can attend to all the duties. whalingvesselsfromNew Bedford then made it a place of resort. Since The third and last consulate in China that we propose to interfere that time a chango has been effected, and our whaling-fleets now ren- with is that at Ningpo; and in regard to this port I want to give the dezvous instead at Sa,n Francisco. The occasion, therefore, has ceased Honse some information upon another point. In audition to the gen- for our whaling-vessels going so far south, and likewise the neces ity eral reasons applying to the other places I have named, there was for a consul there. as to Ningpo a particular and additional realilon. There has ·prevailed Gentlemen by looking at the facts and figures which I have given there a practice such M this : For a consideration of say $200 tho con- can see how far we have destroyed American interests in South Amer- sul has absolutely sold to native boats all(l crews from that port and ica by the abolition of these four minor consulates. While we have various other places tho American flag, which was used in assisting only abolished fonr consulates in South America, we have allowed to smuggling goods into the interior of China. And this chara.cter of remain various consulates in South America to the number of seventy. business was permitted by the State Department, which seems to com- When gentlemen come to examine the whole subject in its details they mand so much respect on tho other sido of the Honse. So far as I am will be able to discover to whom tlle charge of ignorance will apply, concerned I am willing to award to t·he State Department the credit and to determine for themselves whether the committee was ignorant of honesty in administration; but I say deliberately on this fioor, in this regard or the gentlemen who have spoken against this bill. It after thorough investigation, that there is not a more extravagant will be very apparant then that those gentlemen·do not know quite Department in the Government. True, it has not the power to spend .as much as they thought they did in reference to these South Ameri- so much money as some other Departments of the Government; but can consulates. Where the self-n.ssurance exists I do not believe what it has the powor to spend it wastes as lavishly a.s any other, and t.here can be a.ny doubt. their estimates seem recklessly made. · Bnt, Mr. Chairman, I do not want to detmn the House by going into Let me say further that another di t inguished gentleman formerly .detail in reference to all these consulates which we have proposed to connected with the consuls in China, (I will give his name whenever change the character of; nor is it necessary jus~ now, because when it is asked,) approached some members of tbe committee and declared we come to consider the bill I will take the opportunity to give the that it was of no earthly consequence to have a consul at Ning-po, fullest information to the Honse as each subject comes up on amend- and that the office ought to be abolished; ancl this was a gentleman ment under the five-minutes debate. distinguished in the consular service of this count.ry under republi- In my judgment all these consulates can be abolished and the duties can administration. remnneratecl by fees without the slightest commercial injury to this While we reqlitted to the fee system three consulates in China, country. The fees received at these forty-four consulates in 1874 what have we left behindf We have left five principal consulates in were $11,086, while the salaries paid to the consuls at aid ports by that country, and more than thirty officers in the consular service of the United States ammmted to $65,000! An opportunity to retrench various other grades. · · was therefore furnished to the Committee on Appropriations, which, I do not believe that either the consular system of t.he United States if that committee haoJ)A.LL. We will give you an opportunity to make a record of this bill if they have established the grade of salaries in it upon a in the House if you wish it. • principle of action by which we can stand; that is to say, with due Mr. KASSON. That has already been done upon one of these ques- reference to payments made for like services, either in the previous tions. history of this country or in the actual history of other countries, or Mr. HOAR. I renew the amendment. Mr. Chairman, it seems to with reference either to the increase or diminu~ion of expenses since me we have a right to demand that gentlemen on the other side of the existing grade of salaries was fixed. the House should give us some information in regard to the expense By a question which I put to the gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. of an honorable and ·creditable maintenance in London, Paris, and SINGLETON] the other day, I desired to ascertain the principle upon the otb.er two capitals mentioned in this paragraph. Nobody desires, which the committee had fixed these salaries. It was impos ible for I suppose, that a gentleman representing our Government in Paris or me to find out by an examination of the figures in the bill. If economy . London shall be denied the means to become acquainted with the gov- consists in cutting down every salary without discrimination, that I erning so.c iallife of the nations to which he is accredited. England could understand. But in that case [must complain of the gentle- is governed directly or indirectly by a hundred thousand families; man in charge of this bill that he has not carried out the rule of and the man who knows the opinions and sentiments of those fami- economy by cutting down these salaries to $1,000 a year, because lies knows how to deal with the public opinion that governs England. upon that principle that would be greater economy than cutting them As wa-s well stated on this floor the other day, it was the social rela- down to $14,000 a year. I assume that no gentleman who respects tions maintained by our envoy in that country that stopped the issu- . . the honor or credit of his country desires to make that the principle ing of the rams in the darkest period of the late war and thereby pre- upon which this bill is founded and advocated; a ort of economy vented a war wi,th England. When ordinary diplomacy failed, the _which consists in the mere reduction of expenditures without reason. envoy of this country devot-ed himself to two objects: first, to learn I give the gentleman the credit, then, of having some principle by in private from the representatives of the influential classes whether which what he calls economy is measured. What is that principle T they wanted a war with this country, and then to let them under- :Mr. SINGLETON. Do you wish an :J.Dswer T stand that they would have it if those rams went out. Nobody can Mr. KASSON. Certainly I do. expect that a minister representing this country abroad can receive Mr. SINGLETON. Take the basis oi $17,500 a ye::tr for our first- from his fellows in the diplomatic corps or other residents of the class em ba-ssadors abroad, and this bill as reported, giving '14,000 for country to which he is accredited attentions which he does not dec- ten months' services, with one month's pay before they go to their orously and re pectfully return. labors and one month's pay upon returning, would bring the salary Now, I should like to have the gentleman from :Mississippi [MI·. up to more than $17,500, more than the amount which was received SINGLETON] or the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. RANDALL] tell by our ministers when the act was first pa.ssed. us how much a suitably furnished and equipped house of proper size Mr. KASSON. Then I understand the principle to be that while for social and public entertainments costs in London or Paris when they have reduced the salaries-- rented by the year. What is the cost of maintaining there a respect- Mr. HAMILTON, of New Jersey. Will the gentleman allow me to able and suitable style of living, such as is maintained by the repre- make a sucrgestion 'I sentativ~s of foreign countries in this city' As was said by the Mr. KASSON. I would prefer not to be further interrupted, for my gentleman from Iowa, [Mr. KASSON,] I would like to hear from the five minutes will soon be out. gentleman from West Virginia, [Mr. FAULRNER,] an honored and dis- 1\.fr. HAMILTON, of New J ersey. I wish to say that it is only with- tinguished member of the democratic party, who represented this in a few years that our minister to England bad more than 12,000. conn ry in Paris a long ago as 1860, when prices were about half :Mr. KASSON. · If that is the principle upon which the gentlemen what they are now. I wish he would be good enough to inform us are acting, that they are in fact giving our ministers a salary of how much of his salary of $17,500 he had left at the end of the year. $17,500, then this bill is evidently a decep~ion; it is not a reduction I have heard that he paid $7,000 for rent alone. I suppose-in speak- in salaries, bu~ouly a reduction of contingent allowances. Now, every ing of a public question it is not indecorous to allude on thi floor to man knows that the salary is for a year's services, and not for ten matters of this kind. months only. If a man has leave of absence, it is only for a certain Mr. RANDALL. I call for a vote. number of weeks; and some of our ministers are at their posts every The question.. being taken on the amendment, it was not agreed to. · week in the year. The Clerk read as follows: Ancl when the gentleman talks of a minister receiving a month's For salaries of envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary to Spain, salary before he leaves this country, and proposes to take that into Austria., Brazil, Mexico, Japan, and China, at $10,000 each, $60,000. consideration in calculating the amount of subsequent yearly com- Mr. KASSON. I rise to commend one motion to the consideration pensation, I would a k him if he does not know that some of our min- of the gentlemen in charge of this bill. It is to insert before the I· isters have been abroad from six to eight years, and more f wo·rd "Spain" the word "Italy." I beg the n.ttention of the commit- The committee have attacked the salary of our minister to Italy, a tee for a moment. gentleman without private fortune with which to supplement· his In the next succeed~g clause Italy has been taken.from the cate- salary and to enable him to respectably maintain his official position. gory in which it was formerly placed with Mexico, Austria, and-Brazil, He is a man who ha-s 'been appealed to by two nations of the Old W oriel and ha.s been put in a category by itself, this officer being the only to settle disputes between them, because of his high character and minis~er who is to be paicl at this .rate. I submit to gentlemen ~f the extensive learning in international law. They have reduced his sal- committee, or gentlemen in charge of thi bill, whether. Italy, now ary, not as in the pending paragraph, but by one-third of the entire united, a nationality of equal rauk certainly wi :ill Spain, Brazil, and amount be now receives. · Mexico, ought not to be put in the same categmy where it has always Now I undertake ·to say that this bill has been so framed that none been, leaving still the mission at a reduced rate of pay. but rich men can go abroad and represent our country under respect- In making this motion I may be allowed to remind the committee able official conditions. Our present system has resulted lately in again of the facts to which I alluded a moment ago, that the gentle- sending worthy men to some places where it would be impossible for man who repre ents this country in Italy is not able to opp1ement our representatives to maintain themselves respectably upon former the legal provision for pay out of his private.means. The proposi- salaries. When Mr. Rush repre en ted us in England he hired a house tion in the bill seems to single out a gentleman whom members on for 450 guineas a year. Mr. .Motley told me, if I am not mistaken in the other side of the House as well as on this admit to be one of our my recollection, that he paid £1,400 a year rent for a house to live in. ablest representatives abroad, putting him in a lower category bf 1876. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1017 himself, as if something in his history had subjected him to that im- (because, as the Chair knows and I can assure the House, I have plied reproach.· been exceedingly respectful to every gentleman here in my social Mr. RANDALL. I want to say to the gentleman that in making intercourse and relations and careful that no personal offense should up this bill no personal considerations entered the mind of any mem- be given by me to any gentleman upon this floor,) if we are to have ber of the committee. We could not take into consideration the ques- such notice served upon us, if we are to be socially ostracised by tion whether men of weaJth or men of mcderate means occupied par- reason of our efforts to cut down expenditures in this Government, ticular places. When we reachedltl}ly, the disposition of some mem- all I have to say t.o the gentleman from Maine is that we can stand bers of the committee was to abolish tha.t mis ion entirely. We it quite as well as they can. Moreover, it is no evidence of a man's have thirty-six consulates in that counti·y; and I was among the integrity or manhood that he rides on the A venue with those in high number of those who deemed it advisable to abolish this mission. places or dines with those occupying high positions of power, or that But, for the reason which I stated in the remarks I made awhile ago, he is the recipient of the hospitalities of those who have plundered· the estrangement between Italy and Austria, so that we could not this District and are now complaining because their days of pecula- consolidate those countries into one mission, the Secretary of State, I tion are at an end. Furthe_.r than that, let me tell the gentleman that believe, consented to the reduction of the salary rather than have the it is no evidence of a man's ability or character that he is permitted consolidation take place. to dine in these high places with the people to whom he has referred, 1\lr. KASSON. I need hardly remind the House, I trust, that we because men lately enjoying such privileges are now serving out are also indebted to our minister in Italy for his study of a question terms in the penitentiaries, while others are on their way to join them that has been of great importance to us in the Western States, that as rapidly as the law can take them. [Laughter and applause.] of irrigation. For the mol'!t valuable paper on that subject ever pre- [Here the hammer fell.] sented to the people of this country, we are indebted to hil:n and to Mr. HALE. I want· to say a word, and hope the amendment will · his studies which he made in Italy upon it. be withdrawn so I may renew it. Italy is an important nation, ranking next to the five great powers Mr. RANDALL. Let us go on with the bill; yon have had a shot of Europe. Already our personal relations wHh that country in the at each other. I insist on going on with the bill. way of travel and study are very great. Our commercial relations 1\ir. HALE. The gentleman from Pennsylvania knows I can make are increasing. Many of our citizens go there as students of art. my motio:l afterward.. I wish to say only one word in this place. Many. also go there as invalids; and in case of their death their Mr. RANDALL. You assaulted him and he struck back; that is estates are to be taken charge of. Thus there are. various reasons all there is of it. why this legation should be continued. But the special point I make The CHAIRMAN. The pending question is on the amendment, on now is that the committee have taken this mis ion out of the category which debate has been exhausted. • where it aJways ha.s been kept, and have put it by itself. The amendment was disagreed to. Gentlemen will of course do as they please, and without their ap- Mr. HALE. I move to strike out the last word of the paragraph. proval I should find it useless to make any motion. I havenowsim- I do it solely for the purpose of saying that the gentleman from Illi- ply to ask that they will put back this mission to Italy in the same nois [Mr. SPRINGER,] entirely misapprehended the scope of what I category to which it belonged before, though with the reduced salary said this morning. Ldo not think anybody else understood me to be of that class. affirming here as a serious matter that invitations in Wa-shington Mr. RANDALL. Let me say to the gentleman from Iowa that we w ent by favor, depending on whether a man opposed or advocated cannot legislate for clever men, for men of intellect, but must look reductions upon the different appropriation bills. If the gentleman to the interests of the great m:1SS of our people. had been here long enough, he would have known that no member Mr. KASSON. Leave that question out altogether, for what I said here would advance any proposition of that kind. I have bad some- was merely in passing. But I cln.im that Italy has a right to be classed thing to do heretofore with striking down appropriations in the dif- with Austria, Spain, and Brazil, and I only ask 1t shall be put back in ferent Departments, and I never saw any difference in the estimation the same category where it was before. so far as I could observe, held of me by the heads of the Departments; [Here the hammer fell.] and othe-r gentlemen on this side and on the other ide of the House, Mr. SPRINGER. Mr. Chairman, I desire to say one word in regard the chairman of the committee who now faces me, the witty gentle- to this Italian mission and the necessity urged by the gentleman from man from Ne York, [Mr. Cox,] the gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. Iowa to increase the pay of our minister at that court. The present HOLMAN, 1 the veterans of the House, all know that these things have minister has been there for many years, and any gentleman who may nothing whatever to do with social life. It is fortunate they have travel in Italy will :find his office hours begin at twelve and end at not. Dinner-parties are things that have existed for years, and will two o'clock, while he seldom entertains Americans, Italians, or any- exist, and republicans in democratic administrations frequent the body else. houses of officers of the democratic party. It would be a sad thing 1\1r. KASSON. I beg to dissent from that. if it were otherwi e. So when we meet at the houses of the cabinet Mr. SPRINGER. I speak of this matter because I know about it. ministers here, under one form or another .of invitation or entertain- Mr. KASSON. My experience is entirely different from that of the ment, it is a very pleasant thing for members of the two political par- gentleman, and I am sorry he did not have the same reception on the ties to clasp hands on these occasions. part of our minister I did. . I made no suggestion of the kind the gentleman from illinois has Mr. RANDALL. If the O'entleman is going to engage in personali- intimated. In a humorous bringing up of a supposed invitation to tie , I hope this debate will be brought to a close, and we will go on the gentleman from In diann,, I was moved to a thrust at the gentleman with the consideration of the bill. · from Illinois, [Mr. SPRINGER.] But if I have to repeat the reason Mr. KASSON. It was not my intention at aJl to drift into person- why I was so moved, I will say that it was not because of his posi- alitie , and I believe I have not done so. · tion with reference to the reduction of expenditure , but because yes- Mr. SPRINGER. Since this personal matter has come up I want to terday he thought proper to entertain the House with an apocryphal say a word or two in that regard. • anecdote of Mr. Lincoln, which I considered was not seemly for this Mr. KASSON. I beg the gentleman not to refer to it in that way, presence . . as it was not intended to be personal. I honestly regretted the gen- Mr. SPRINGER. I have heard .MI. Lincoln tell that anecdote be- tleman from Illinois did not have the acquaintance of the minister to fore better audiences than have ever listened to the gentleman from Italy as I had and was not as agreeably entert.ained. ~~ . :Mr. SPRINGER. I called at the Americ,an minister's office in Italy 1\ir. HALE. I will not raise that question with the gentleman. and found the rules in reference to his office hours on his door precisely- But that is the reason I gave why, supposing the gentleman from In- as I h ave stated them. Besides I was informed by Americans whore- diana might receive these plea ant invitations, perhaps the constitu- sided there that this gentleman was devoting all his time and energy ents of the gentleman from Illinois might find how he did not receive t o literary pursuits, while the American consul-general who lived at them. The reason why I said so wa.s because the gentleman aid here Fl orence did all the entertaining, and socially all that which it ~va.s what he did yesterday, which I regretted to hear, and which I sup- in c umbent upon our minister to do. . pose h e now regrets himself having spoken. . Now that this personal matter has been referred to I de-;> ire to call Mr. RANDALL. Now that amity is restored I ask the Clerk to the attention of this committee to some r emarks made this morning proceed with the reading of the bill. . lJy the gentleman from Maine, [Mr. HALE.] I have asked th e te- The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman from Maine [.Mr. HALE] porter, as I was not within hearing-distance at the time, to furnish me withdraw his amendment ' ''rith what that gentleman did say. It was in1·eference to an assumed Mr. HALE. I do. invitation extended by some of the Cabinet officers to the bonorable The following paragraph was read: gentleman from Indiana [Mr. HOLMAN] to dinner. Thereupon the For salary of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary oo Italy, ,000. gentleman from Maine was unkind enough tor mark that" the con- stituents of the gentleman .from ll)inois would not have occasion t o Mr. GARFIELD. I move to amend by striking out " ,000" ana CQmplain of him, because he would hardly have to receive or make inserting "$10,000." acknowledgment of any such invitation." I do not know whether It eems to me an exceedingly violent and unju t amendment to t he gentleman has been authorized to notify me that I am to receive take a salary of 12,000, :fixed o many years ngo, and cut it down to social ostracism from the members of thi administration oranot on $8,000. I do not believe this House can do that. I will not detain account of my efforts to reduce the expenditures of the Government; the committee by argument. I will say, however, while I h ave the bnt if I am to have notice served upon me and other·gentlemen that floor, that it seelllS to me gentlemen have great.ly underestimat ed the we are not to be honored with invitations to dine with these gentle- kind of influence that our diplomatic representatives are. supposed to· m.cn in high places on account of our course on this and other bills, exercise. 1018 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 10, Laugh at it as we may, make as much fun of it as we may, a large transacted by men of affairs, and not by politicians who for political share of the great affairs of the Government is settled in fact over din- services have been sent to foreign courts; and that remark applies to ner-tables. 'l'his is true of caucus committees and committees of all :tll political parties. A hundred years ago, when the .American colo- sorts, and notably diplomatic agents find in the relations of social life nies were struggling for recognition, then the grand presence of men the- chief means of adjusting all great difficult international questions. like Benjamin Franklin might be necessary at foreign courts, but we Why here in the early days of our Government these questions of cer- have got beyond that. emony had far more to do with the management of affairs than they Sir, those one hundred years have been grand in their results and have now. For five days the administration of George Washington achievements. The .American Government now ha no business with and all the strongest and able-st men about him were giving their ex- the sovereignty of courts, with a few men who guide and control pub- tremest care and attention to the question of detail how they should. lic events abroad, but depend upon the solid foundations of the sov- receive a minister from France, and the regulations that were written ereignty of the people. out, which I have here in print before me, described minutely how [Here the hammer fell.] that minister should approach in a coach and be met by two mem- The question was taken on Mr. GARFIELD's amendment; and it was bers of Congress in a coach, and which hand should be given to him, not agreed to. and which party should offer a hand first. All these minute details Mr. BANKS. I desire to offer an amendment in line 18 by insert- of social a.lllt diplomatic arrangements were considered of great state ing after the word "Switzerland" the word "Greece;" so that it shall importance in those days. Silas Dean, one of the greatest of our old read: .Americans, wrote back to Congress in the midst of the a~ony of our For ministers resident at Portugal, Switzerland Greece, Belgium, Netherlands, diplomatic arrangements with France-arrangements which resulted Denmark, Sweden and Norway, Turkey, Venezuela.'; and the Hawaiian Islands, at finally in the sending of a French fleet and a French army, and in our $6,500 eacll, $58,500. liberty being secured-wrote under date of December 3, 17761 speaking Mr. Chairman, I do not deny that there is a public exigency for of Ma.rie Antoinette, these words: some legislation of this character, but the course which the debate The queen is fond of parade, and, I berleve. wishes for war, and is our friend. has taken for several days in regard to the representation of this She loves riding on horseback. Could you send me a fine Nan·agansett horse or country at Greece admits a possibility of it being interpreted as a two ~ The money would be well laid out. Rittenhouse's aviary, or Arnold's collec- public censure on the minister of this country at that post, and I rise tion of insects, a phaeton of American make, and a pair of bay horses, a few bar- chiefly for the purpose of saying a few words in regard to that sub- rels of apples, walnuts, cranberries, butternuts, &c., would be great curiosities. ject, with a hope of doing our minister there something like justice. Now, sir, why did not some of the wise statesmen and great econo- I understand that there is a wish on the part of the friends of this mists of that day get up and make fun of all this Y Why, sir, if my bill that it be passed without amendment, and I trust that if I oc- friend from Indiana [Mr. HOLMAN] had been in that Continental Con- cupy a moment or two more than my allotted minutes the Chair will gress and had got hold of that rich tidbit, and if he had been followed not notify me of the fact.. by the witty gentleman from Illinois [Mr. SPRINGER] ·in criticism of The minister to Greece (General Read) has been for a long time in this letter, yon would have seen our fathers shaking their big wigs the diplomatic service of the country at other posts. There is in my with delight if they were the same sort of men as we are to-day. But opinion no young man in the diplomatic service of the country who our fathers saw that the fate of the nation depended on using all the e is more earnest, faithful, or capable than that gentleman. He was con- social forces in the way the nations of the world nsed them, even in sul-general at Paris during the Franco-German war, and I am quite sure humoring the little frivolities of court life for the sake of reaching that he was earnest and energetic in the discharge of his duties there, the spirit and character of the nation to which their minister was sent. and gave as much satisfaction to the Government as any other officer Now it is propo ed to cut down the salaries of our ministers by this in the service. He was one of the officers employed, with the con- bi 11 so that a man can go into tho fourth story of some boarding-house sent of the French and American governments, in giving protection and just barely livetbrongh his term. He cannot accept any com- to the citizens and subjects of twelve different European and Amer- tesies, for the best of reasons, that he cannot return them. If be is a ican governments who were in France during the war. I think be poor man, especially,he must be a boarder, a mere boarder in the city was promoted to the post of minister to Greece in consideration of his to which he is accredited. honorable services in Paris. Now, if gentlemen opposite will nnswer any of the points I have -Then, sir, in regard to the mission itself, it is not so unimportant a made on tbe subject I will vote with them; but, so far, they have post as it has been represented in this debate. answered none. One dispatch printed in the volume of diplomatic correspondence [Here the hammer fell.] of last year llas been the principal theme of criticism so far as refer- Mr. HOLMAN. The Committee on Appropriations have certainly ence baa been made to the Grecian mission. approached this question of the mission to Italy without any personal While we mn.y very well concede that that dispatch was not im- consideration; indeed, but few of us, I think none of us perhaps, have portant, yet it was certainly an eminently proper one. One of the any personal acquaintance whatever with the scholarly gentleman duties of diploma.tic representatives is to report from the several • who represents us at that court. We understand, as the gentleman countries they represent the course of social as well as of political from Ohio must understand and know, that that pla-ce is a mere sine- events. If hereafter there should be published reports of the repre- cure ; that we have no relations with Italy beyond treaties of amity sentatives of European governments of the social affairs of this Gov- and commerce. We have no political relations whatever, and quite ernment during the administrations of Wa hington and Jefferson, limited commercial relations, and we have provided heretofore and of Madison and Monroe, and even of Jackson, of which we know but still provide for an ample body of consuls to look after our commer- little, it would be of great int-erest to the people as well as to the his- cial interests there, indulgin~ in the belief, in the hope that the tory of the country. This dispatch, I admit, was not an important tendency toward free institutions among the people of Italy, which one ; but I want to say to gentlemen who have spoken on this ques- we have witnessed with so much pleasure for the last few years in that tion that because one dispatch is not deemed important, it does not ancient empire of scholarship and liberty in olden times, will find it follow that others may. not have bee~ received which were of impor- rather a pleasant thing that the United States in failing to send a minis- tance to the Government. ter there at the same time consults the interests of the people by snp- Oftentimes diplomatic representatives make reports that it is not plyi.ng a sufficient force of consuls to look after the commercial inter- advisable for the Government to publish. Such was the case in re- ests existing between the two countries. gard to the 'French government during the events preceding and at- Mr. KASSON\ The gentleman from Indiana [Mr. HOLl\IAN] will tending the war in this country. Among the dispatches from our allow me to say that within a yf'ar past very import ant information minister to Greece there may have been many which the Secretary of touching our own laws and institutions has been asked for by the State ha not thought necessary or proper, with due regard to the pub- more liberal elements in Italy for the purpo, e of guiding the legisla- lic interests, to pla-ee in the volumes of the diplomatic correspondence ture of Italy on certain points. Instead of b eing without political of the country, but which, if known, would change the opinion of relations with Italy, they are more than ever looking to us for politi- many with regard to that minister. cal guidance. · · Now one word in regard to the character of the mission itself. A Mr. HOLMAN. I have mentioned time and again that O'entlemen mission abroad is not to be estimated upon the occurrences of a single are forgetting all the· time that we are not now in the J.fiddle Ages. year. We are to take a pe1iod of time, two or three years, or five or Business isnowtransacted not through ministers, but directly through six, in order to determine whether or not the mission is of sufficient the Departments of State of the two countries. interest and importance to be continued. There are some circum- Mr. KASSON. I simply wish to disse~t from that. stances connected with the mission to Greece which give it interest Mr. HOLMAN. All important business recently transacted between and importance. There was no agent, except that of consul, sent our Government and foreign governments has been transacted directly from the United States to Greece until1855, when a citizen of Virginia by our Foreign Office and the foreign offices of other countries or by was sent there a special agent during the administration of Mr. · special commis ioners, and if I wanted to single out a particular case Pierce. In 1866, when the Cretan war broke out, the people of this I would refer to the fact that postal treaties were ne~otia.ted with country were interestecl in the efforts of that people to secure their foreign nations by the gentleman from Iowa himself, mstead of enr independence from Turkey. It was thought a proper if not a neces- minister abroad. All important business to foreign governments is sary course for the Government to send a minister there. I think the now transacted by special agents. first J1flrson so appointed did not enter upon the discharge of his du- Mr. KASSON. I beg to say, with the assistance of the minister. ' ties; I am not quite sure-about that. A.t any rate there was a vacancy Mr. HOLMAN. My honorable friend when he made the e treaties in 1868, when Mr. Tuckerman of New York was appointed. made them himself, without the assistance of any minister; and I Upon his arrival there he was received by the people of Greece 'vith repeat that all importa]lt ey~nt& with fol·eign governments aro now great enthusiasm in 1869. The presence of an .AmeriCBJ:l IQinister ~ave I 1876. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1019 them renewed confidence in the success of the Cretans in their strug- poses, had agreed to the coJ!lmittee of conference a ked for bv the gle against Turkey. It was to them as if Pericles ha-- of the r ebellion; which was referred to the Cowmittee on Claims. tained, leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 433) directing the transfer of He also pre onted a mernoriarof the Legislative Assembly of New certain amounts from the naval pension fund; which was read twice Mexico, asking for an a ppropnation to satisfy claims for Indian dep- by its title, referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs, and ordered redations; which was referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs. to be printed. He also presented a memorial of the Legislature of the State of Wis- Mr. BOUTWELL. I ask leave to introduce a bill without previous consin, asking thee tal>lisllmentof a mail-nmte between Osceola Mills, notice, fm-nished by the Treasury Department, covering what are rep- Polk County, Wi cousin, via El Salem, Sucker Lake, Lincoln Cent-er, resented to be errors and omissions in the Revised Statutes. East Lincoln, Clear Lake, Black Brook, \Vagon Landin~, and Alden, By unanimous consent, leave was granted to introduce a bill (S. back to Osceola Mills; which was referred to the Comnnttee on Post- No. 434) to correct errors and to supply omissions in the Revised Stat- Offices and Po t-Roads. utes of the United States; which was read twice_by its title, referred l\Ir. WITHERS pre enteu additional papers in support of the claim to the Committee on the Revision of the Laws of the United States, of Isaac Davenport; which we1·e referred to the Committee on Claims. and orclered to be printed. He also pre ented papers relating to the petition of Haskins & PAPERS WITHDRAWN AND REFERRED. Bridgeford, praying for compensation for the nse of their wharf at On motion of Mr. LOGAN, it was Rockett's Landing, Virgiuia, by the United States Qun.rtermaster's De- Ordered, That the petition and papers in the case of B. II. Grierson be taken from partment during the late war; which were referred to the Committee the files of the Senate and refen:ed to the Committee on Military Affairs. on Claims. On motion of lli. LOGAN, it was He also presented the. petition of William Greaner, of Richmond, Virginia, praying compensation for the use of buildings by the Gov- fr~~dili!dru;sb:f : : le~~~d~~le~dtointh~c~u:J{oo~~~~af~P be taken ernment during the late war; which was referred to the Committee TWENTY-SECO~ JOINT RULE. on Claims. Mr. HOWE presented a memorial of the Legislature of Wisconsin, 1\Ir. BAYARD. On the 20th of January I introduced a resolution a king for the establishment of a mail-route between Osceola Mills, which has been laid over from that time to this, and I now ask ita Polk County, Wisconsin, by way of El Salem, Sucker Lake, Lincoln present consideration. Center, East Lincoln, Clear Lake, Black Brook, Wagon Landing, and The PRESIDENT pro te·m,pore. The Secretary will report the reso- Alden, back to Osceola. Mills; which was referred to the Committee lution for information. on Post-Offices and Post-Ronds, and ordered to be printed. The Chief Clerk read as follows : He also presented ::to petition of citizens of Brown County, Wiscon- Resolved by the Senate, (the House of Representatives concurring,) That the Com- s.\n, veterans of the Mexican war, praying to be allowed pensions for mittees on Rules of the Senate and Honse of Representatives be, and they are hereby. instructed to examine, and, afttJr conference, to report whether any, and services rendered during the war with Mexico; which was referred to what, legislation is expedient in regard to the matters considered in the twentv. the Committee on Pensions. second joint rule of the last session. · • 1876. CONGRESSIONAL RE CORD. 1021 Mr. BAYARD. At the time I offered the resolution I did not under- the Constitution relating to 't should be aided by a law of Congress stand that it was objec.ted to by any one. The Senator from New from which neither House coutd retire at wHl. The subject should York [Mr. CoNhLING] made some suggestion on the subject, and the not be left-and I do not think the Senator can fail to agree with me Senator from Vermont, [Mr. Emrmms, 1 who is not now in his seat, in that-to the mere caprice of either body of Congress at any mo- sugge ted that he might desire to iliscu sit; but the importance of ment to retire from a rule regulating so ~mportant a subject as this. this que tion no one denied. We cannot move on thi subject too I desire that the method to be adopted shall be found. The diffi- early, nor do I believe more appropriately than in the method we culty is very apparent. It is becau ei believe it important to arrive at propo c. Unle some Senator l.leli ves that this matter should be some such arrangement that I pre its consideration now. I think the further discus ed in the Senate, as this is a mere resolution of instruc- suggestion I have made is important, and I trust the Senate, unless tion to a committee to take up and examine the subject., I would ask there be some reason on account of the absence again of some gen- its pr sent consideration in the Senate. tleman who desires to say something on this subject, will take up the Mr. MORRILL, of Vt:'rmont. I desire to inqnlre of the Senator from question now. Delaware whether tho action of the Senate on a part of the joint rules Mr. :MORRILL, of V crmont. It was obvious when this question has yet been considered by the IIonse of Representatives t was up before that there were several Senators who desired to discuss Mr. BAYARD. The Senator is aware that for the first time, so far it at length; that it was one involving some amount of difficulty to a I can ascertain, in the history of our Government, the Senate decide whether the joint rules were operative beyond the term of a elected, without notice to the House, to retire from one of the joint Congress or not. It is clear that one Ron e cannot adopt joint rules rules. So far as I Lave been able to give consideration to the sub- without the action of the other. I have not been given. any informa- ject, it seems to me we have that power. At the same time it never tion that there is any discrepancy of opinion upon the part of mem- . has before to my knowledge been exercised. Now if tp.e subject to hers of either House in relation to the propriety of adopting the joint which the twenty-second joint rule of the last session related is to be rules so far a-s the Senate have already proceeded. Therefore, it seems considered, I am very clear that this is the best mode of procuring its to me it would be much better that we should have joint rule adopted consideration, and that ·t.he conference which will be held by these for every action of the two Houses, and let this matter come up sop- two committees is much more likely to result in a proper and non- arately and distinctly by it elf, where it will be nnembarras ed and partisan method of dealing with this important subject, than any unencumbered by any other que tions. It seems to me clearly that other way. I sincerely trust that, lifting this matter out of the infiu- that is the proper course to pursue. ence of party, some method satisfactory to the entire country will be Mr. HAMLIN. :Mr. PreRident, I have certainly inclined to the opin- rea.ched by which the difficulties surrounding thA subject may be ion that there should be some action on tJ1ismatterbyboth the House overcome. It is in the belief, it is in the hope, that that experiment of Representatives and the Senate, and as at present advised I do not will be successful that I have felt it my duty to say as much as I now perceive any objection to the course which is suggested by the have said heretofore on this subject and now again repeat to the SenatorfromDelaware. There is only thisreason whichoccurstomy Senate. mind why it is not wise to act upon it now, and that is the fact, as Inn- I have heard of no action of the other Honse in 1•eference to the derstand it, that the House has not yet seen :fit to consider the proposi- late action of the Senate in re-adopting these rules with the ex- tion which was sent to it by the Senate. It was anew thingfor the Sen- caption of the twenty-second joint rule, and I think it important ate to act upon the joint rules. Having acted upon them, it is impor- that there should be an adjustment between the two Houses of tant that we come tt session. difference of opinion politically between the two Houses of Con~ess, ·and my belief that a law which would be satisfactory to committees Mr. EDMUNDS. I move to amend by striking out that part of the represent.ing the variant parties would be satisfactory to our fellow- resolution which makes it a concUITent resolution and refers the mat- countrymen; and that it was important that there should be a{}qui- ter to ·the Committee on Rules, and inserting the Committee on Privi- escence in the justice of a rule or a law touching so broad and funda- leges and Elections of this body, which will take it to the tribunal mental a subject. that now has the subject under con ideration. Mr. CONKLING. Mr. President, a-s I always mean to be frank, I The PRESIDENT pro ternpo're. The question is on the amendment will be so now. Meaning no offense to the Senator from Delaware, I of the Senator from Vermont. did refer to him, and to him alone, p,s the member of this body who, The amendment was agreed to. as I understand, made repeated reference to this subject as if there The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The question is on agreeing to the was danger of p:1rtisanship entering into it. I have heard the Sen- resolution as amended. · ator avow and reiterate that all partisanship ought to be abandoned Mr. CONKLING. I ask that the resolution be read as it stands now. in this regard, that it should be kept out of the domain of partisan- The Chief Clerk read as follows : ship. I have heard him say that several times to-day and on other Resolved, That the Committee on Privileges and Elections be, and they are days; and I listened with more surprise to-day to this suggestion hereby, instructed to examine and report whether any and what le~slation 1s ex- which fell from him-I may not be able to quote his words exactly- f~-r:!ts~:egard to the matters considered in the twenty-second jomt rnle of the that if there were hose there who wished to impede or obstruct,(per- haps he used neither word, but an equivalent term,) it had better be Mr. BAYARD. It will be observed that this was meant to be a known by the Senate and by the country. I think I am not mistaken joint resolution. It was so framed. It is so still, even as the Clerk in supposing that the Senator said that. has read it, because the amendment striking out the Committee on Now I sublnit to that honorable Senator and to the other members Rules and inserting the Committee on Privileges and Elections has of this body, that, considering the nature of this question, and consid- not gone far enough: ering the utter absence, as he himself avows, of partisan manifesta- Mr. EDMUNDS. My motion was to strike out all that part making tion in regard to itJ it is hardly worth while for either of us to attempt it a concurrent resolution, and all the part referring to the other to create, or unconsciously by inadvertence to create the ·impression House, and to make it simply an order to the Committee on Privileges beyond this Chamber that anybody here is seeking a partisan advan- and Elections of this body. tage here over anybody else upon the naked question whether a true The PRESIDENT P'ro t~mpore. The Chair so understood, and the count of the votes should be made. Whenever this body or any of Senate has agreed to that amendment. its members falls so low that an honest office of counting, a duty so 1\Ir. BAYARD. Now, I simply desire to submit to the Senate plain as that imposed upon us by the Constitution, cannot be dis- whether it is not reasonably proper to suppose that upon private charged because we are so mad-party-wise, it will be a sorry d.a y in- conference of the committees of the two Houses a measure is more deed and a sorry illustration of the total failure of our institutions apt to be genented which will receive the approval of both Houses and the instrumentalities by which they are to be carried out. on this subject. It was because I believed it was better for neither If the Senator from Dehware did not intend to carry that idea, I House to act upon the measure in priority of the other, but that when certainly do not wish to impute it to him; but I have thought from the measure came it should come, as it were, simultaneously into both his repeated references to this that there lnight slumber in his mind Houses, it being understood that the committee hlld conferred and a fear that somebody somewhere in the Senate was going to refuse to had agreed that this was a proper measure upon this important sub- do that which ought to be done because he wa-s driv~n by the stress ject. It is my belief that the two Houses ought to agree. It will be of party in regard to it. It was to disabuse the mind of anybody who to me $1 source of very great regret, anxiety, and concern if the might be so affected, if I could, that I referred to this subject, and if Houses fail to agree, and believing that the best chance to produce the Senator from Delaware did not mean to give the impression which concurrence between these two Houses of Congress, relatively under I received from his remark, then I misunderstood him. the influence of different partisan feelings, is by a quiet confe1·ence Mr. BAYARD. The Senator from New York can scarcely require between the two committees, I submit that the amendment of the me to continue this matter, because the RECORD must disclose what S.enator from Vermont ought not to prevail. I have said. I intended in what I said last to the Senate sinlply to The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair will remind the Senator refer to what I had said on this subject before, and to repeat that I that the Senate has agreed to the amendment. did not believe even the ingenuity of the Senator from New York or Mr. BAYARD. Then the resolution must be further amended than any one else coUld discover in anything I had said the suggestion that he has gone, because the amendment, as I understood it, was simply there was a partisan spirit in this Chamber on this subject. That is to substitute the Committee on Privileges and Elections of the Sen- what I meant to say, and I think I succeeded in saying it. ate and the like committee in the House instead of the two Commit- Mr. MORTON. Mr. President., if I understand the proposition, it is tees on Rules; and the resolution, _so far as I heard the amendment to refer this question to the Committee on Rules of the two Houses. read, leaves it still in its frame a joint resolution of the two Houses It is discussed here as if it was a new question. It is not so by any It is very plain to me-l cannot forsake my judgment on that sub- means. I remember the debate last ession on ·a bill for the purpose ject-that our chance of producing concurrent action on this subject of repealing the twenty-second joint rule and establishing a law to between the two Houses, organized as they are at present, is much provid.e for counting the electoral votes, taking away from one House better when we shall have a rule presented by the two committees, the power to disfranchise a State, and providing that no electoral vote each reflecting the political sentiments of the relative body it repre- should be 1·ejected except by the concurrent action of both Hou~;es. sents, which would be very apt to produce a concurrence of sentiment, I thought the hUl was eminently ~ir ~nd th~t no valid objection was between both bodies. My object is that which I avow. 1024 CONGRESSIONAL · RECORD. FEBRUARY ll, Mr. CLAYTON. I ask that the resolution be read again. and, as I ever do, with respect, but failed to become convinced by The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Secretacy will report the reso- his arguments. As a dissection of the Constitution I admit that lution as it stands :1ID.ended. no more careful argument can be prepo.red. If we want to know Mr. THURMAN. I rise mere]y to say that a I understood the mo- bow capital letters should be placed, how colons and semicolous, tion of the Senator from Vermont to be submitted to the Senate ~d how periods and exclamation points shou1d be arranged in the print voted upon, it was simply to sub titute the Committees on Privileges of the Constitution, and how they bore upon its interpr tation, I am and Elections for the Committees on Rules, leaving the re olution a sure we were fully informed yesterday by my eli tinguisbed friend concurrent resolution as first introduced. If it has any wider scope from Georgia. I am not sure that it is so, but it seemed to rue as he than that, it certainly was misunderstood by me, and I think by others. closed tho.t part of his argument I had been made to understand what I do not think it was voted upon with the understanding that it was a constitutional comma wa . There was a reference made by the to strike out the concrnTent part of the resolution and make it simply Senator from Georgia, without due reflection, I must believe, that did a reference of the question to the Committee on Privileges o.nd Elec- great injustice, not only to a class of men I have known long and tions of the Senate. well, and who stand without superiors in an this country as men of Mr. EDMUNDS. Tha.t was certainly my motion; but we can test honor, integrity, and fidelity- ! refer to the men who now contl'ol the sense of the Senate on that by moving to reconsider the vote, the boards of the centennial exposition-a reference was matle by and, if we choose to reconsider the vote, then it will stand as a con- the Senator that I am sure he did not intend as a reflect.i on upon current re olution. them, and I am equally sure that he could not have intended it as a Mr. THURMAN. I did not vote on the motion at all. reflection upon any member of this body. It was a to the lobby in- Mr. EDMUNDS. Well, in order to test the sense of the Senate, as fluence that had pfessed the passage of th.is bill. If, sir, such lobby it is said it was misunderstood, I move to reconsider the vote adopt- has had an existence the Senator is possessed of knowledge I am not. ing my amendment. I shall of ·course vote against the reconsidera- Not a human being has ever asked me to vote for or against this tion; but this will give gentlemen who did not understa,nd it an bill. Even the people of my own State, largely favorable to tile ex- opportunity to see what the amendment of the Senate is. position, have never sought to embarrass my perfect freedom of p ech 1\-fr. SARGENT. Let it be reported again. or vote. The PRESIDENT pro tempm·e. The Secretary will report the reso- Mr. NORWOOD. I do not know, sir, to what reference in the re- lution as it will read when amended. marks that I made yesterday my honorable friend from New Jer. y The Chief Clerk read as follows: alludes. I remember making one allusion iu which the word" lobby" Resolved, That the Committee on PrivilegWJ and Election be, and they are here- was used, but only one, and I am sure that that expre ioo. di the most rigid constructionist!'!. I do not im- IV-65 1026 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 11, pugn their sincerity ; I do not propose they shall mine, unchallenged. cess. I cannot forget that in part I represent a State who e soil was I regret the tone of debate coming from Senators differing with those fattened by the blood of her revolutionary horoes; that hers, during who favor the pending bill. the long years of revolutionary war, was the bloody ground. the con- I have been accustomed to consider these States-and I am not go- fessed battle-field of the Revolution. ing to give their hist.ory, I beg to say, just now-as in their original To Jerseymen, as to yon, sir, the names of Trenton, of Princeton, of condition under the old co~ecleration, as so many pieces of timber in Morris, of Springfield, and of Monmouth are electric words. a raft, bound together by withes, stronger or weaker, of more or less The hills of my State held the Continental Army durinrr two of the value, loosely held, and of equal strength, as my friend from Delaware most terrible winters of the war. The valleys gave of t~eir meager [:1\ir. SAULSBURY] suggests. I do not know whether he was in the supply to save the half-famished troops of Virginia, faryhmd, and of original convention or not, and I am not always sure I was not, for I Connecticut. My home is on consecrated ground-made so by men feel old enough sometimes to have been. These timbers were discovered I have seen and known-who tracked the snow with their bleeding by the first 1:ongh sea as lacking in coherence, and driven by their feet treading their wea-;:-y r~mnds, knowing that they whom they singleness to constant peril. The great raft was known to be most guarded from danger were all that stood 'tWIXt Britain's tyranny and va-luable; it had cost years of toil to gather, thousands of lives to America's liberty. preserve. Yet the confederacy proved but a raft when they who It would be strange, indeed, if with these memories and association A ma.nned it, menaced no longer by a common danger, gave in part to I did not look with peculiar favor upon any circumstance that would other and nece sary l:1bor their attention. revive grateful reC9llections of my State and people thatwouldrenew Because of manifest weakness, by common agreement, the sepa- the memory of evehts never too often recalJed, upon which, as upon a rate pieces were builded into one; and so, using a common metaphor, trembling balance, hung the fato of American freedom, of civil and these States were united as parts of one great ship of state. religious liberty. Whatever conduces to its preservation ie our common duty to per- 1\ir. JONES, of Florida. 1\11'. President, the opposition to the bill form. If the strength of its frame is to be supplemented, we hew before the Senate has been put by nearly every speaker wh9 has op- new States from old Territories. If weakness is found in tibs or keel- po edit upon constitutional grounds. Very few that I am aware of son we strengthen by constitutional amendments, or think we do. May have objected to this measure on t.he ground of policy, wisdom, or we not al o give the old ship .a good preserving coat of paint once e:xpedieucy. We are asked to point out the power in the Constitu- in a century Y Will it not help preserve its beaten sides and tighten tion which justifies this appropriation. There is nothing more diffi- tlle ever-occurring seams Y cult to do than to strain language in order to carry explicitness be- Pardon me, Mr.J?resident. I know that metaphors are light missiles yond the point tbat plain words can go. Chief Justice Marshall very when urged against constitutional objections. often felt the force of this truth, ane hoaded the list of our :tJOWO• s, and it should have been stated tnat, to effect these general objects, the following specific powers were J!'or the payment of the debts and necessary expenses of the United States: Pro- granted. vided, That no law for raising any branch of revenue, except what may be speci- ally appropriated for the payment of interest on debts and loans, shall continue in Can language be more plain f And then he adds: force for more than a term of years. But suppose the Con titution to be silent·, why should we be confined in the ap- Two separate propositions, Mr. President, it appears were thus sub- plication of moneys t.o the enumerated powers 'l mitted to the convention. One to give Congress the power to pay the I say so, t.oo. Why should we be confined in the application of revolutionary debt, incltfding those of the States; the other to declare moneys to the enumerated powers T that revenue and taxes were to be rai ed for t he pul'pose of paying Mr. 1lffiRRIMON. When did Mr. Calhoun make that speech T the debts and necessary expenses of the United States. Mr. JONES, of Florida. I ·do not care when he made the speech. When the convention came to consider thel?e propositions the report I accept it as his recorded view, and I have too high an opinion of of the grand committee was modified, and instead of adopting the his judgment to think that any subsef1uent change of opinion as to the language of the report, the convention substituted that now found in politics of the country could affect his position upon a constitutional the first clause of the sixth article of the Constitution, which declares question. He says: as follows: There is nothing in the reason of the thing, that I can perceive, why it should All debts contracted and engageme~ts entered into before the adoption of this be so restricted; and tho habitual and uniform practice of the Government coincides Constitution shall be as valid agamst the United States under this Constitution as with my opinion. under the Confederation. , I say if Mr. Calhoun from hisstand-pointwhen he made that speech The State debts were omitted from this article, but they were pro- could have honestly entertained the sentiments therein set · fortb, vided for by au amendment to the revenue clause, by the addition of surely I can entertain similar sentiments at this advanced day. in ot1r the words to that clause as they are now found in the Constitution, history. Surely the advocates of the strictest construction 'cannot as follows: object to Mr. Calhoun as an authority on this subject, and · h~ gave it To pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the as his deliberate opinion that the .first clause of the e~glith section of Unitetl States. the first article of the Constitution did contain a substantive' grant pf I say, sir, and I say with great confidence, that these words were power to this Government, and that t4er~ eXist~ DO ne~ssary connec~ never intended as a limitation on t he revenue power; that they wero tion between the revenue and'taxing power of the Gov~rninent and put into the Constitution not to rest rain the authority of the Govern- the other enumerated powers in the Constitution, ·and· to ·this doptririe ment in raising revenue, but to enlarge it even beyond the spirit of I fully subscribe. 1028 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 11, It would be a profitless ta.<:~k for me to point out the many instances Sir, this is a subject with which we cannot afford to trifle. The in which Congress has voted the money of the people for objects corporation which you hav created to conduct and carry out the pro- not within a,ny of the specific powers of the Constitution. The truth gr:!Lmme of the proposed celebration is in no sense a business corpora- is, sir, the only proper limitation upon the powe~t of the Government tion. I confess that I share in none of the prejnilices entertained in cases like this is in the sense and justice of the people. It has again t corporations. I shall always look to the object in view more never happened, and I do not think that it ever will happen, that than to the means to be employed to attain it, in forming my opinions Congress will be in advance of the people in its desires to promote the upon questions like this before us. .A stranger to the e proceedings happiness or mitigate the sufferings of the human race. .And if we would have supposed that the chief object of the proposed u.ppropri- c3-n find no protests upon record from the people against the many ation was the endowment of a private corporation fo~· the benefit of instances in which this Government exerted the blessed po.w ers of its stockholders. I hope, sir, notwithstanding all we have heard . charity and benevolence, it is bec3..use t.he strong feelings and senti- about the degeneracy of the times, that we are not sunk qnite so low ments of justice and humanity outweighed the selfish dictates of man, in the scale of turpitude antl degradation as to aiford justifi.catio for and our people have claimed the right to infuse into the cold and cal- the char~e that there is a single person connected with this grand culating nature of the statesman and politician some of the warm undertakmg who would be willing to engage in the bu incss of spec- sympathy and generosity which have ever resided in the popular ulating in the honor and glory of his country. For myself I do not, heart. I cannot believe it. I do not think there is a man worthy of the name Never did the sage of Monticello indicate a more profound knowl- who is capable of contemplating the sublime patriotism of the men edge of the virtues of this people than when, with all his deep-rooted who declared our independence, and with a knowledge of the sacri- convictions against the exercise of indefinite power, he advocated the fices and perils which they incurred f~r their country, that could be bestowment of a fortune upon Lafayette. .And when the future glory induced to accept under any circumstances a pecuniary advantage and grandeur of his country demanded that he should not hesitate to for whatever little return he can make to the memory of those to open up the great valley of the Missis ippi to the sea, schooled aa he whom be stands indebted for his freedom. was in the principles of strict construction, he sacrificed his scruples I have said, sir, that I looked more to the object than to tHe means for the sake of his country, and found his vindication in the confiding intended to accomplish it. .And what is that objecU It is to show and patriotic approbation of the .American people. to the world what man can do for hlmself when left to the free choice Sir, this Government bas been forced Yery frequently by the ad- of the means and agencies to work ont his own happine s and pro - vanced sent.i ments of the people to acts of charity and benevolence. perit y. It is proposed to put in comparison with all the civilized It it now a,sked to do something in the interests of patriotism and na- world this great count.ry, with its institutions, its arts, and its indn - tion3l unity, to borrow a phrase from the distinguished Senator from tries. I say its institutions, Mr. President, for, althongh there will Indiana. I can conceive of nothing more wort.hy or meritorious be no pavilion at Philadelphia where we can exhibit within a narrow than the proposed celebration of our national independence, and if I circle the workings of our systems of gqvernment as we shall be able thought that the people of this great country were so far lo t to all to do in respect of improvements and refinements iu every other art, the promptin~s of national pride and patriotism as to be unwilling to still the thousands of men who shall come here from the foul' quar- see tile birthday of their independence properly honored in this cen- ters of tho globe and from under every system of government known tennial year, I woulu regard such a symptom of degeneracy as an evil to the world will, from the moment they touch your soil until they omen for the future glory and increased greatness of the Republic. leave it, and in every State they shall visit, have before them and I a.m not sure, Mr. President, that if it were now proposed for the placed in comparison with the systems they left behind the great re- first time to celebrate this great event in the manner already deter- sults of one hundred years of "a government of the people, by tile mined upon, that I would favor the plan. I think I should oppose people, and for tho people." it. I believe that it is always best to do db:ectly what is proper to .And if, in reviewing the unparalleled advancement of our country be done at all. .And I would prefer, if I had my way in thi matter, during this time from a state of colonial vassalage and weakne to that the proposed celebration shoulu be under the sole direction of its present state of grandeur and power, our invited critics may find the Government of the United States, and that there existed no fault with tho deplorable civil contest through which we have lately ground for even the insinuation that a profit may possibly result to passed, let us bopo that, while we cannot claim any exemption from any individual from so holy an undertaking as this. the passions and jea.lousies which drive men to madness und to war, But, su:, we have now no choice about the matter. Whether wisely we will at least be able to show them that we n.re not behind there t or unwisely, this Government and this nation are committed to tb.is of the world in the cultivation and honest exilibition of those manly object. I will not hunt up the record to see who·voted for or against vir1>ues which inculcate the lessons of charity and brotherly love. the several acts of Congress which have made the proposed celebra- If we shall be un!ortunately compelled to admit that the evil prophe- tion a national afi"air. It is not a subject for crimination or recrimi- cies of those who envied our power and greatness have been partially nation. I will not treat it in a party spirit. I will concede to those fulfilled, and that civil war has desolated our land and for 11 time who passed those laws the same honesty of purpose that I claim for diviued our people, let it be our pride, as I trust it will be, to show to myself. It is enough for me to know that the representatives of the the whole world tilat a government founded upon the unalienable people in Congre s as em bled did decide to celebrate tho grandest rights of man has survived our civil dissensions; and while we ba'i'e event in human history by appropriate ceremonies under the direction had conquerors whose achievements have equaled tho e of Napoleon of a corporation c_reated for t.be purpose. and Cresar, no Rubicon bas yet been crossed or grenadiers directed It is enough to know tbat the national aut,bority has been put to enter these Halls to crush the liberties of the people. For one, sir, forth and the broad seal of its commendation stamped upon this en- .,.I am anxious that this comparison shall be made. \Ve owe it to our- terprise. However much we may wrangle and differ here about our selves, and we owe it more to the memory of the men and patriots municipal or local concerns, there is 110 one I believa in this body whose wisdom and blood have given us our freedom. The immortal who does not feel an honest pride. in everything which exalts and spirit of him whose ashes lie almost within si~ht of thi Capitol muy dignifies the character of our imtitutions in the eyes of surrounding even now be looking down upon us from Ilis habitation in the skies, nations. If we cannot add to the character and uignity of the nation to see in what way we estimate his exalted services. · His spirit will and increase its claims to the respect and confidence of thQse who hover over us during this centennial year, and I trust in God that the may· have an interest in depreciating its grandeur and honor, let us influence of his great example will inspire us with something like tl.le not by any act of ours either tarnish or sully its name. wisdom and charity which be exhibited while here below. .And while I have heard it said, sir, that the Government, in every act of Con- we shall with pride observe the great advancement which bas been gress enacted upon this subject, disclaimed all liability for the ex- reached in everything that was capable of improvement since he ha.s penses of the proposed exhibition, and that no ont could impute bad departed from earth, we will also rejoice that it has not been permit- faith to the United States even if, by refusing to aid the enterprise, ted to the world to furnish a rival whose virtues or glory can cast a it should ultimately fail. Sir, this soup.ds too much like the language shadow upon his great name. of the exchange. .All admit that there would in the event snpposed be Land of the W ~t! though passing brief no money liability; but, sir, the:ro are some things in the world, even at t _h is day, the importance and value of which ca.nn ot be measured by dol- Tlo~e ::~~~dn~~~hl~~edarkens all On history's wide page. · lars and cents. Do not imagine that those haughty princes and poten- Let all the blasts of fame ring out, tates whom you have notified of the grand exhibition will ~ver trouble Thin e shall be loudest far; themselves by looking into your statutes to find an excuse or apology for Let others boast their-satellites, republican shame. Does any one suppose that, after the formal and Thou hast the morning star. Thou hast a name whose character P.Jg~-contracting solemnity of the invitations you have sent to all the Of light shall ne'er depart; :pat~ons o~ the earth to come and mMt you on the spot where one hundred 'Tis stamped upon the dullest brain, years ?g9. your ¥e~dom was proclaimed, you could tell them without And warms the coldest heart. shame !tn4 ~4onor. th~t you intrusted their reception and entertain- Let us not stop now in this great work. This Philadelphia show, ment to a comp!tny of ge~tlemen commi.Esioned to take up a subscrip- depend upon it, will be of infinite benefit to the human race. Tl.le tion to meet the expenses of the occasion; but that, owing to the cause of liberty at home and abroad will receive a new impul~e from hardness of the times-the contractioJl of the currency, it may be- its teachings and inspirations. The state of Europe a.t this time will the money could not be raised, and the aflair had to be postponed for a be compared with the state of America, and the cause of human free- hu.ndr~d years hence f There is not a 1-lawdy chronicle or penny mag- uom may profit by t.he comparison. Looking into the affairs of other azme m all Europe that would not holU m~ up a~ a laughing-stock to nations as we shall see them represented here we will entertain a the worlU, and the derision of mankind, if f!UCb a diSgraceful failure higher opinion of our own. The le~ions of ues_potism now darken the should attend this centennial business. · ·· fairest portions of the earth. Millions of men at this moment are - 1876. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1029 under arms ready to do the bidding of kings and emperors and deluge tions as to the existence of a western continent: What would not Europe with the blood of its people. Wit h all the light and knowledge that great man have given if, when he first conceived t he thought of of this most enlightened century combined with the influence of the his great olt from heaven to ea~tl1 ; they lightecl up the nirrht with its despotic sway over its vast empire, and millions of souls there con- tho splendors of c:l.l right like these and in appropriating to itself all power over our interna- to make such appropriation. I have listened to the various ohjections tional and interstate affairs,· should be'so very defective as to have upon constitutional grounds, and I shall briefly reply to t h em. left us without any public aut,hority by which and through which In the first place, we might very well felicitate ourselves u pon t he the nations of the earth could be invited to share in this most impor- announcement made by the distinguished Senator from Georgia w ho tant celebration. • addressed the Senate yesterday, [Mr. NORWOOD,] that there are som e _And, sir, indepenflent of the special interest which all must feel in five or six clauses in the Constitution upon which we justify this bill. this exhibition as commemorative of our liberty and glory, who can That is more than sufficient for our purpose. But I will endeavor t o tell what benefits may not result to the material interests of our peo- show that there are certainly one or two ; I will address myself t o ple from t.he enterprise proposed 7 l\I nch has been accomplished within one, upon which we might safely rely. , the last one hundred years for the happiness and well-being of our The Constitution provides that Congress shall have power to lay race bv the labors and exertions of science. And it crumot be denied taxes, &c., for certain specified purposes, namely, for the payment of that the efforts of those who were ever in advance of those around debts, to provide for the common defense, and to promote the general them in progressive science were met with objections numerous and welfare. Let -q.s see whether the authority is to be derived under this weighty, which it is well for all did not prevail. This is the last clause of the Constitution. I know it will be somewhat shocking to country in the world which should refuse-its aid to science. In the those gentlemen who entertain p eculiar views as to the powers deriv- b eautiful Art-Gallery which adorns thiscitymay be seen a magnificent aulo f!·oill the Constit ution to attempt to m:1.intain an appropriation picture of Columbus struggling to convince the h augh ty doctors of under t.his clause. But I think it may well be main tamed. Spain that the true theory of the earth's surface just.Hied his convic- What is meant by the general welftore 'f Anything which promotes 1030 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. . FEBRUARY 11, the great ends a.nd objects enumerated in the preamble to the Con- But if gentlemen do not want to, are not willing that w e shall rest stitution, r efer ence to which was made by the Senat-or from Texas, this appropriation npon this particular clause of the Constitution, lot [Mr.l\lAXEY,] for which he was twitted by the Senator from Virginia us see if we can find authority for it under another clause of the Consti- [Mr. WITHERS] as havin~ proposed to wer to levy taxes, &c., and to borrow money, vested in Congress without 12,000,000 in the Treasury of your Government. The proceeds of this limitation a.s to amount, to pay the debts and to provide for the common def ense and property have been held by the courts of the country, by the Chief- general welfare, to minds of ordinary comprehension, not shackled by astute and Justice of he United St.ates, to be money held in trust for the bene- nice distinctions--distinctions whicn woulrl deprive the Government of powers most essential to its ·wholesome operation-would seem to be clear. Congress has fit of the owners. While it is so held in the Treasury, and while the made appropriations involving this question of power which the people never ob- people of the State f.bat I represent and the people of the South bold jected to, and which were never the subj ect of serious dispute. Not to mention out their hands and ask that this may be given to them, and it is other instances, they have provided for the r elief of tho e whose property has been destroyed by eartllquake. They have established an .Agricultural Bureau, erected denied to them, shall I be accused of a want of patriotism because I extensive buildings, provided for the purcha e of seeds, &c., abroatl, authorizecl an refu e to vote an appropriation for a great centennial exhibition w bile annual report of its proceedings, and published it annually in very large numbers this injustice rests upon the people of Mississippi and of the South Y and at a very great e~ense. There is no express power in the Constitution to au- In no spirit of complaint do I make this utterance, but I make it in thorize this. Its legality, therefore, must r est upon implied and not express pow- the lan~uage of a protest that I shall not be charged with a want of ers. The former are as much delegated as the latter, as these could not be carried out advantageously without the rud of tho former. Under the clause r eferred to, pat1·iot1sm because I see proper to withhold my support from a meas- which authorizes the levying of taxes, it will be seen to be the object to pay the ure like this. Go forward, Senators, with your cent ennial exhibition, debts of t he United States and al o to provide for the common defense and general but when you do, go forward as American citizens, free with your own welfare. These latter terms are not to be fulfilled .without the means afforded oy m eans, without any of the attributes of coercion, without any of the mon the taxing power. But, as will be seen , the power to tax, to provide for the com- def~se and general welfare, is giv~n in tho same words as the power to pi'O- revenues derived from the people under the force of law by the giv- vide for the persal equality and political right, woulu have been spared. heart of the nation to its very depths. From every State and section, How terrible was that conflict le t tho Sl>il"its of the hundreds of thousands of by men of every party and holding every conceivable shade of politi- bra.ve men who fell as its victims whisper in the solemn languaue of the grave. cal doctrine has been manifested an eager desire that, after the trials The strife is finished. The t erlible harvest of death has Eee~ trathered, and the and dangers, the blessings and the rewards of a century, we should, in only present consolation is that the one element of inevitable bitterness and con- stant danger is now thorou~hly eliminated from the field of national clil:!cns 'ion, and some formal and decided manner, announce to the world that as an ~:tUc~£:2' of the Declaration and the sanctity of the Union are sadly but olomnly intelligent and thoughtful people we fully recognize and appreciate the innumerable blessings that have come to us from the operations And what now ~ Shall the bitterness and animosity engendered by the war re- of the principles of the Declaration of Independence, and that we call main forever1 Is final reconciliation utterly hopeless 7 No truly ~renerous mind can fail to appreciate and respect the soreness and de- the attention of the nations of the world. to our own progress and con- spondency that follow always as attendant upon severe defeat; and when to th ...se, dition, as giving incontestible proof of the sufficiency and perfect whether from other circumstances or as resulting from legislation temporarily n ee- adaptation of popular government to the progressive and permanent as ary, there ill added a. deep and despairin.,. sense of de;.rradation and subjection, advancemevt of a free people. every noble and ~rencrous sentiment of the t'uman heart is stirred and the earliest po sible resumption of friendly and fraternal relations is demanded by the heart I know of no way in which an intelligent, industrious, and pros- and judgment of the majority of tho forty million citiz ns of this restored and re- perous people can, in better accordance with the principles of their uni ted country, with a power and an emphasis thatwillerelonKcommand obedience. government, w.ith more credit to themselves or more beneficially to the So thousands of brave and noble hearts in every section antl of ever.v party in our country are yearning inexpressibly for tho full and entiro r estoration of the kinclly world, make a more decided acknowledgment of their appreci:1tion of and fmtcrnal r elations that in the t 1me before this krrible war existed between the inestimable value to them of one hundred years of continued pros- the citizens of this goodly land. How lonJ! shall such appeal in vain' perity and of the significant fact that all this unprecedented prosper- How rapi