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THIS YEAR IN WASHINGTON 


By Mary Foley Grossman 


FIGHTING THE NEW THREE R’s - - - Arnold Shukotoff 
THE WAGNER LABOR RELATIONS ACT - John A. Lapp 
COERCION IN THE SCHOOLS - - - Stanley F. Atwood 
DEMOCRACY IN OUR TEXTBOOKS - - Mowat G. Fraser 
THE DISMISSED TEACHER - - Madaline Kimter Remmlein 
| AM THE SCHOOL HOUSE - - - - - - H. Softley 


A PROGRAM FOR PEACE 


Harry F. Ward 
Frederick J. Libby 






OFFICIAL ORGAN of the AMERICAN FEDERATION of TEACHERS 















Organized Labor and the Public Schools 


IRVIN R. KUENZLI 


Organized Labor was largely responsible for the present free public school system of America 
supported by general taxation. Many so-cailed “public schools" of Europe require tuition payment 


from parents of pupils. 


Organized Labor from its very beginning has battled for equality of opportunity for all children 


of the Nation and has vigorously opposed class education. 


Organized Labor sponsored the Smith-Hughes Federal Aid Bill which provided a national program 
for vocational education including home economics and agriculture. This was the first important step 


in securing Federal Aid for schools. 


Organized Labor was largely responsible for the creation of the President's Advisory Committee on 
Education which recently recommended to the President a program of general Federal Aid for 
schools. This Committee was originally appointed because of complaints on the part of Organized 
Labor concerning the administration of Smith-Hughes funds. Appointed first to study the question 
of federal funds for vocational education, the committee later was authorized to study the whole 


question of general Federal Aid for education in America. 


Organized Labor is at present urging its education committees in local unions to study local 
school conditions; to see that labor is represented on school boards; to see that teachers have 
democratic working conditions; and to see that all funds secured for education by genera! taxation 
are properly and efficiently expended. It is important that teachers cooperate fully with these education 


committees in their analysis of local conditions. 


There is no organization or movement in America which has so excellent a record of achievement 
in relation to supporting and protecting the public schools as has the organized labor movement. 
Every teacher in the Nation owes a debt of gratitude to the organized workers of America for the 
part labor has played not only in providing better wage scales for all workers (including teachers), 


but also in assisting to provide educational opportunities for the Nation's children. 


4 























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The Convention this year 
is going to be one of the 
most important in years. 
The Federation is just coming of age with a membership 
of some thirty thousand. We have the chance to become a 
national force as never before. 

Issues will arise in this convention which may have mo- 
mentous consequences for education for years to come. 
There is, first of all, the work of the Educational Policies 
Committee. How can we help to mould schools which will 
be genuinely people’s schools, democratically administered 
and democratically controlled? How can adequate finances 
be secured from taxation without frightening the electorate? 

Second, there is the problem of organization. The teach- 
ers of the nation are ripe as never before for organization 
into units of the American Federation of Teachers. What 
can we do in this period to promote the organization of new 
and effective locals of the American Federation of Teachers? 

Third, the matter of academic freedom. All about us are 
cases of the abridgement of academic freedom. What part 
have we played in promoting tenure and freedom for teach- 
ers; how can we more effectively promote it in the future? 

Fourth, the question of a permanent paid editor for Tux 
AMERICAN TEACHER. We want the magazine to continue 
to expand and improve next year as it has done this year. 
We also consider a regular bi-monthly news sheet sent to 
each member. 

Fifth, we face the need for Federal Aid to Education. 
The organization promoted a great national conference at 
Washington this spring. Unless this principle is enacted 
into law before the Convention meets, we must lay plans 
how to secure its passage during the coming year. 

Finally there is the entire problem of national and state 
legislation which the Federation must support and must lay 


Looking Toward the 
Twenty-Second AFT Convention 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 








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plans for supporting. The elections in the fall need to be 
considered. 

All in all the Convention this year should be attended by 
every teacher who really cares about education and the 
welfare of the children of the nation. LET US MAKE 
THE CONVENTION A UNITY CONVENTION WHICH 
WILL SHOW THE POWER OF THE ORGANIZED 
TEACHERS TO GO FORWARD TO NEW AND HIGH- 
ER GOALS FOR FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY. 


At the time of our writing, the recovery 
program of the President is the major issue 
before the country. Millions of people are 
awaiting the initiation of this program; it means employ- 
ment for them, hope for their families; it may well be a 
fortress for the people against the ravages of a new economic 
crisis. To study the opposition to this bill is to find, without 
surprise, the same forces that have poured their energy and 
money into all the attempts since 1936 to discredit the New 
Deal and to pave the way for a return to a political program 
which repudiates the idea that the economic welfare of all 
the people is a fundamental concern of government. The 
meeting of the United States Chamber of Commerce this 
month voices in detail this program—a “breathing spell” 
for business. Now it must be of two or three years duration. 
No profit tax. Cripple the Wagner Act. Stop spending. 
Give business its head. Make the White House once more 
the annex of Wall Street. There is no more important task 
before our people—and we have wide contact with the back- 
bone of the American people—than to exert our influence 
in behalf of governmental expenditures which will go to 
fulfill the needs of the underpaid and the unemployed. The 
President’s recovery program is in part a response to this 
economic need. We cannot afford to forget that. 


The Recovery 


Program 





The AMERICAN TEACHER 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 








VOLUME XxIil NUMBER 5 
IN THIS ISSUE: 
A Plea for Unity—An Editorial.......... ; 5 
I Am the School House—H. L. Softley......... 6 
This Year in Washington—Mary Foley Grossman. . . 2 
Support for Federal Aid—Eugene C. Holmes..... 9 
Fighting the New Three R’s—Arnold Shukotoff.... .. 10 
Democracy in Our Textbooks—Mowat G. Fraser. . ot , a 
Educational Round Table—Irving Adler............. me 
The Wagner Labor Relations Act—John A. Lapp..... .. 14 
The Dismissed Teacher—Madaline Kimter Remmlein io 36 
Coercion in the Schools—Stanley F. Atwood....... ——_ 
The Keeney Case. .........ccceccecccccseeene 19 
A Program for Peace 
For Peace and Democracy—Harry ¥. Ward.......... . 20 
Remove the Causes of Aggression—Frederick J. Libby...... 21 
Shall We Affiliate ?—Continuing the AFL-CIO Forum........... 24 
Drawings by Arlis, Leboit, Pound 
DEPARTMENTS: 
Editorial Paragraphs ..............-. 3 
President’s Page—On Current Issues....... .. ...--+--: 11 
It’s Happening Now..........-------- 28 
The Teachers Union in Action...... + 30 
EEL cnc cGadesteccccveccenerss , 2 
Taber BUetas .... cc cccsecees ; . 33 
Among the New Books... 34 
GIIRES . once eect cece cece seit en esescceeweeeees 37 
39 


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“Tt was the opinion 
of those engaged in 
the visitation of the 
Chicago high schools this year that the esprit de corps of 
the teachers and principals has improved since the time of 
the last visit to these high schools. Members of the staff 
of the Chicago high schools have mentioned frequently the 
following factors as having contributed to the improvement 
of the esprit de corps. 

1. Prompt payment of salaries. 

2. A general reduction of the number of classes taught 
daily from six classes to five. 

3. The formation of the Chicago Teachers Union which 
is said to have resulted in a lessening of the feeling of fear 
and anxiety on the part of teachers and principals relative 
to the permanency of their positions.” (From the Report for 


North Central Association 
Recognizes Chicago Teachers Union 


4 








1938 of the North Central Association of Colleges and 
Secondary Schools.) 


Low wages, poverty, subnorinal standards 
of living—does any one doubt that where 
these are the characteristic economic and 
social phenomena of a region, there, too, you will find the 
worst school conditions, illiteracy and cultural deterioration? 
Yet the backward economy of the South and its accompanying 
evils were pointedly emphasized by President Roosevelt in 
his speech to the people of Gainesville, Ga., on March 23. 
“Georgia and the lower South may just as well face facts”, 
he told them—‘The purchasing power of the millions of 
Americans in this whole area is too low.” The President 
believes that those forces which retard progress and pros- 
perity nationally are responsible for the low wages and 
social backwardness of the South. “The selfishness of a 
few” is a broad term, but who in the South fights against 
wages-hours legislation, the unionization of industry, the 
extension of education for Negro and white alike? Where 
else are long outworn privileges defended by an open appeal 
to race prejudice and the hooligan bombast in Congress 
of elected representatives? At Gainesville, the President 
said, “When you come down to it, there is little difference 
between the feudal system and the fascist system. If you 
believe in the one, you lean to the other.” Every time re- 
action in the South puts over another wage-cut, it is strik- 
ing at education and the chances of the working people of 
the South for social improvement. If better schools are to 
come to the lower South—and the “old days” which the 
President assures the people of the South “we are not going 
back to” are not to remain, the government must work 
more effectively for the people who need the “better 
schools, better health”, etc. That means, for one thing, 
that Federal aid to the schools must soon become a reality. 


Better Schools 
in the South 


The superintend- 
ent of schools of 
East Chicago, Ind., 
has notified Mr. Vernon Sigler, Executive Vice-President of 
the East Chicago Teachers Federation, Local 511, that he 
must either withdraw his candidacy for the state legislature 
or take a payless leave of absence. This ultimatum was 
based on a resolution of the school board, dated March 9, 
1938, the date on which Mr. Sigler filed his declaration 
of intention to run for office. There is some evidence that 
this resolution was really passed subsequently and was pre- 
dated. Local 511, which is paying Mr. Sigler’s salary 


Nation-wide Protest Greets Denial of 
Civil Rights in East Indiana 








THE AMERICAN TEACHER 


ENTERED as second class matter SUBSCRIPTION: $1.00 for the year 
October 18, 1933, at the post office | —Foreign $1.10—Single copies, 25c. 
at Chicago, Illinois, under the act Published bi-monthly except July- 
of March 3, 1879. Acceptance for | Atgust, at 506 S. Wabash Ave., Chi- 


maili ; cago, Ill, Subscribers are requested to 
mom A _—_ = . ar give prompt notice of changes of ad- 
: Beh ection » AC dress. Remittances should be made in 
of February 28, 1925, authorized | postal or express money orders, draft, 
November 3, 1926. stamps, or check. 


Boa 





THE AMERICAN TEACHER 





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through subscription until the end of the year, has been 
advised that the salary can be collected in the courts since 
the ruling is in violation of a tenure law which makes ill- 
health the only basis for an obligatory payless leave of 
absence. But whatever the legal aspects of this case may be, 
it involves a fundamental principle of civil rights and the 
protests which have been pouring in should be continued 
in order to insure the rescinding of the discriminatory reso- 
lution. “Employment of a teacher in your schools,”’ said 
William Green in a telegram to Superintendent Forszt, 
“does not in any way deprive him of his rights as a citizen 
to aspire to be a candidate for election to public office. 
The exercise of this right is as sacred as the exercise of 


the right of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” 
This same principle has been emphasized in the protests of 
Jerome Davis, Irvin Kuenzli, Arnold Shukotoff, and others. 
This case involves the elementary rights of citizenship of 
teachers. It must be won. All locals, all union members, 
should send protests. 


ee The Editorial Board wishes to express its thanks 

to Miss Lillian Fine and Miss Lillian Levenson of 
Local 5, and to Dr. Oscar Shaftel of Local 537 for their 
work in reading copy, correcting proof, securing art work 
and doing the make-up for THE AMERICAN TEACHER. 


A Plea for Unity 


AN EDITORIAL 


N TIMES like these when the very foundations of civiliza- 
I tion are threatened; in times like these when everything 
that man has struggled for since he first stood upright is 
faced with the possibility of extermination by war-mad 
fascist dictators; in times like these when economic prob- 
lems of unforeseen magnitude challenge every faculty of 
resource and brain that America can muster; in times like 
these, the need for united action by all friends of democ- 
racy and civilization should be so obvious as to need no 
argument. 

However, differences do arise. Sincere men disagree on 
philosophy and courses of action. Personal ambitions or 
personality differences sometimes precipitate conflicts which 
split entire organizations. Today, organized labor is the 
victim of a combination of all three. Two labor organiza- 
tions are fighting each other, while the forces of reaction 
look on with glee. And with each indication that the friends 
of the administration at Washington are quarreling among 
themselves the conservatives advance more boldly. Permit 
a recapitulation: The Wagner Act, with the National 
Labor Relations Board which gives it meaning, labor’s 
Magna Charta, is attacked more bitterly every day; the 
wages and hours bill is held up in Congress because of 
labor’s internal struggles. Housing legislation and adequate 
appropriations for relief are dependent on united liberal 
support of the President and Congress. Even our foreign 
policy reflects the contradiction of aims manifest among 
labor and liberals. 

Teachers are new to the labor movement. While there 
are 28,000 members in the American Federation of Teach- 
ers, large numbers of them are not yet imbued with a trade 
union ideology. Others have the enthusiasms of new con- 
verts. Consequently, the greatest responsibility facing the 
leadership of the American Federation of Teachers is to 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 


educate the uninformed, to restrain the enthusiasms of the 
over-enthusiastic, and to unite all the teachers on the at- 
tainable. 


The number of teachers affiliating with labor has been 
increasing rapidly in the last two years. There is a pos- 
sibility now that the AFT may have 100,000 members by 
1940. Yet with a membership of 100,000, we would rep- 
resent only one-tenth of the teachers of America, and 
would yet have a tremendous task ahead in organizing 
and assimilating the 900,000 not yet affiliated with labor. 

Granted that the situation is grave both in America and 
in the world, we teachers do the cause of organized labor no 
service by quarreling among ourselves about our affiliations. 
And there could be no greater disservice to the cause of 
ultimate labor unity than a split in a union that is just be- 
ginning to grow and function. 


Teachers are trained for a profession, which by its very 
nature should help teachers deal with controversial issues 
or their merits. Teachers should know how to disagree in- 
telligently; and teacher unionists, more widely informed on 
contemporary matters, should be particularly able to settle 
their differences amicably. 

Ferment is a sign of growth. Splits a sign of weakness. 
In a world desperately in need of a progressive and sane 
leadership, the organized teachers of America can best 
serve civilization and democracy by building a united teach- 
ers’ movement, which will teach by example, as well as by 
precept. 

As the time for the Convention approaches, the com- 
mon resolve of each of us should be a united teach- 
ers’ union, determined to unionize, educate, and stimulate 
the 1,000,000 teachers of America to stand together for 
democracy and civilization. 








| Am the School House 


@ H. L. SOFTLEY 


of every generation. In me all things are equal. 

It is my duty not only to teach, but equally to 
learn, to keep perpetually a light upon my altars, kindling 
it forever afresh from the unextinguishable flame that burns 
in every young heart. I am the true democracy of Sas- 
katchewan. I am the school house. 

“A parade of many combatting personalities has passed 
through my door. Most unusual of these have always been 
the young teachers, fresh from training schools, full of 
enthusiasm for their work, anxious for personal success, 
cherishing the ambition to revolutionize the art of teach- 
ing, and conscious of taking upon their young shoulders 
a share of the world’s responsibility. 

“Meanwhile Mrs. Hasit is sitting at the back of the dis- 
trict observing, forming an opinion as to whether or not 
our young pedagogue, whom I shall call Uninitiated, is 
going to develop into a teacher or not. She expects her 
children to make progress. She judges by results. If the 
expected results are not forthcoming she concludes that 
Uninitiated is a failure. Uninitiated ‘should have known 
that it is safer to light the school fire with gasoline, than 
to tell Mrs. Hasit that her offspring is a blockhead. Mrs. 
Hasit came back with the argument that there is a potential 
premier in every child, and the teacher has to develop little 
Willie’s complex personality and bring it into a state fit 
for that premiership. After this outburst Uninitiated readily 
admits that Willie has possibilities. Just what those possi- 
bilities are Uninitiated did not say. One thing I did notice 
was that Mrs. Hasit’s tirade did not contribute much to 
the making of a successful teacher, nor did it assist little 
Wiilie to pass into the next grade. 

“For the most part however the community is willing 
to give Uninitiated every chance to make good. The ordi- 
nary citizen is delighted to see her go on to victory. But 
unfortunately every one in the district is not just ordinary. 

“Mrs. Hasit keeps her children away from school on the 
most trifling pretext and then wonders why they do not 
make progress. Then there are the Staylates, who take 
their children to dances and keep them out of bed until 
dawn. These are the B. Littles who make a practice of 
discussing the teacher in the presence of their boys and 
girls. And what of the Standoffs who never invite the 
teacher intq their home to get acquainted but criticize 
Uninitiated behind her back for being stuck up; and the 
R. Banefuls who get Uninitiated’s ear and seek to poison 
her mind against their traditional enemies; and the S. Clu- 
sives, that merry little group at every social gathering who 
are so happy in their own company that they never notice 


66 I Am the rural school house, the guardian of the hopes 


6 


The principal of a school 
in Canada eavesdrops 
on the soliloquy of 
a rural schoolhouse. 


lonely Uninitiated in their midst? Of course, these extraor- 
dinary folks are not conscious of playing a part in a mild 
tragedy. Nothing is further from their minds than to jeop- 
ardize the teacher’s career at its very inception. 

“When the Drouth made its appearance and my district 
went without a crop for six consecutive years, Uninitiated 
used to plough through two miles of snow, two miles through 
drifts where there were no sleightracks, one step after 
another in 30 below zero weather. I used to watch her 
warm up the little tots who would come in crying with the 
cold. It did not take Uninitiated long to comfort them 
and soon they would be all smiles. 

“Uninitiated and the children were so happy, in those 
days, despite their troubles, but after six full years of drouth 
every one is under a severe tension and tempers flare at 
the least provocation. Now Uninitiated tends my fire, get- 
ting to school hours before the pupils and struggling to 
light a fire which seems never to be in the mood for giving 
off its old-time heat. I notice now that she is thinner and 
her usual good temper is fast fading away. The pupils, too, 
do not seem to like to come every day. It may be because 
I am so cold, my walls are full of wide cracks and the 
plaster has come off, letting in the cold air which makes 
the lives of the pupils miserable. My doors do not close 
properly, the knobs are missing and my floor is sagging and 
parting from the wall. Uninitiated asked the trustees if 
I could be given a good cleaning and perhaps have my win- 
dows and doors patched up. The chairman told her (I heard 
him) that the school had no funds and could not pay any 
one to do the work. Of course he did not have to tell 
Uninitiated that there were no funds, for she had not 
received any salary for three whole months. Uninitiated 
timidly suggested that some ratepayer do the work and 
have his bill credited on his taxes. The chairman asked 
little Uninitiated if she would undertake to find the rate- 
payer who would agree to do the work on that basis. 
Uninitiated was unsuccessful, so she and some of the stu- 
dents did what they could one day to make me look a little 
more attractive. The next day Uninitiated received a note 
from Mrs. Hasit, strenuously objecting against little Willie’s 
scrubbing the floor. Mrs. Hasit suggested that if the school 
was not clean enough for Uninitiated that she scrub it her- 
self. Poor little Uninitiated cried for an hour after school 
and I was unable to comfort her. 

“The sky appeared blue again on the memorable day 
on which Uninitiated received her first cheque after three 
and one-half months’ work. This was the advance grant 
for which she had persuaded the Board to apply on Nov. 1. 
True it was only for $49.50, but it seemed like a million 


THE AMERICAN TEACHER 





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dollars, judging from the way Uninitiated cried with joy. 
How to spend it? That was the question. I know that 
Uninitiated came into the district with a little money and 
that she paid her first month’s board with that. Now she 
owed Mrs. Staylate for two months’ board and Mr. Stay- 
late never lets pass the opportunity to remind her of the fact. 
Uninitiated decided to pay $30 to Mrs. Staylate, get some 
much-needed texts and lesson plans and keep $10 for her- 
self. I knew Uninitiated was making a mistake and that 
she was too optimistic in supposing that the next advance 
would arrive before Xmas. But how was I to tell her what 
I thought? She wanted very much to go home for Xmas 
so she decided to phone the Minister of Education herself. 
She was told that no more advance grants were being sent 
out until after the New Year. I felt so sorry for Uninitiated; 
there seemed to be no one to whom she could turn for 
advice and aid. I cannot call her Uninitiated any longer. 
She had graduated from that class. Henceforth I shall call 
her Initiated. 

“Little Initiated was staring gloomily into the fire at 
Mrs. Staylates’ farm house when she heard an unusual 
announcement over the radio. This I heard from a con- 
versation between Mr. Standoff and Mrs. Baneful at a dance 
held in January within my smoke-begrimed walls. The sec- 
retary of the Sasketchewan Teachers’ Federation had a 
message broadcast to the effect that any teacher unable 
to get home for Xmas because of lack of funds was invited 
to phone or wire him, and sufficient money would be sent 
for the necessary train fare. Mrs. R. Baneful said she had 
read in the paper that the Ontario Teachers’ Federation 
had sent over. $5,000 to Saskatchewan for distribution among 
needy teachers. Mr. Standoff also stated that the entire 
amount had been distributed within ten days. So I imagine 
that other schools are suffering as I have suffered during 
the past two years. 

“The next morning Initiated took the train for home. She 
felt rather self-conscious in her shabby clothes. Several 
civil servants got on the train at the Capital station; they 
were dressed in the latest style and seemed very happy. 
Little Initiated had gone to school with some of them but 
she stayed in her corner and tried to hide the runs in her 
stockings. She was not envi- 
ous of these happy people but 
she asked herself why they 
should be so happy and why 
she, with her three years of 
University and Normal school 
training, should be so unfor- 
tunate as not to be able to get 
a position in the Civil Service 
where the salary was paid 
punctually at the end of each 
month. 

“Arriving at her home, she 
was met by her sister and her 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 





father. Her sister had her B.A. also and had been teach- 
ing for six years. They had much to talk over. Sister 
Initiated had salary arrears of over $1800 due her. She had 
hoped for a payment of 25% of these under the provision 
made by the government that $200,000 a year would be set 
aside out of the Educational Tax revenue for liquidation 
of salary arrears, accruing prior to 1935. But to date, Dec. 
27, 1937, only 58 applicants out of over 400 had been paid. 
She had consoled herself with the statement made by the 
Minister of Education that the entire $200,000 would be 
paid out before April 1, 1938. 

“When the time came for Initiated to go back to her 
school, Mr. Initiated called her into his study and talked 
to her in this vein. ‘Why not give up teaching? It is true 
you have spent four years preparing yourself for your chosen 
profession; it is also true that I have loaned you $2500 with 
which to take your training and University courses. At 
your present rate of salary, provided that you collect it 
regularly, it will take you at least 25 years to pay back the 
principal alone. Now I have a Chinese friend in Regina 
who operates a very modern and efficient restaurant. Sup- 
pose I get in touch with him and perhaps he can get you 
a job as waitress. He really is a fine fellow. I helped him 
in a time of trouble and I know he has not forgotten it. 
You will be able to board at a fine home with running water 
and have all the modern conveniences at your disposal. 
Then too you will be able to choose your own friends, go 
to a movie when you wish, join the Y.W.C.A. and really 
begin to live. Perhaps there you will meet a fine young 
man, and the two of you may be able to build a home of 
your own. There is another thing to take into consideration 

that is, as a waitress, you will be protected in the matter 
of salary by the Minimum Wage Law by which you will 
be able to collect a weekly wage of $12.50. Does that 
appeal to you?’ 

“Initiated thought this over for two days. She did not 
like the idea of working in a Chinese restaurant but her 
father had lost his job and perhaps she ought to try to 
repay him the money she had borrowed. He needed 
it now and she certainly did not want to stay at home 
and be a charge on the famiiy. Again, she liked teach- 
ing very much but she hated 
to go back to her school 
under the existing conditions. 
Finally she made her deci- 
sion. Today a B.A., a trained 
teacher, eager to take upon 
her shoulders her share of 
the world’s responsibilities, is 
a waitress in the restaurant 
of her father’s old friend in 
Regina. 

“A new teacher came yes- 
terday. Her eyes are full of 
hope.” 














This Year in Washington 


primary concern this year the matter of Federal 

Aid to Education. In October we appeared before 
the President’s Advisory Committee on Education outlining 
to them our program for an adequate education system in 
the United States and we emphasized the need, first, for 
Federal subsidy of public schools on the basis of equaliza- 
tion of educational opportunity and, secondly, the need 
for the expansion of cultural services patterned upon those 
made available by the WPA, pointing particularly to Adult 
and Workers Education, Remedial Teaching, Nursery 
Schools and the various Art Projects such as the graphic 
arts and the Federal theatre. 

Many interviews were held, with various members of the 
committee after this official presentation before them. Fin- 
ally the committee made its report to the President on Feb- 
ruary 23. It was most gratifying to find that the recom- 
mendations of the report followed very closely the recom- 
mendations that we had made to the committee. Notably, 
in connection with Federal Aid to public schools, the com- 
mittee recommended an equalization measure which took 
into consideration the tax paying ability of the states, their 
school population and their treatment of minority races. 

On March 23 representatives of the American Federation 
of Teachers met in Washington with representatives of other 
educational organizations to help frame a bill for Congress 
based upon the report of the Advisory Committee. At that 
time the American Vocational Association held up approval 
of the vocational recommendations in the bill. However, 
there was general agreement on the major proposals. On 
April 19 there was introduced into Congress an amendment 
to S-419 (Harrison-Black-Fletcher Bill) offered in the 
nature of a substitute which embodied in the main the 
principles discussed in the general conference. Not all of 
our proposals were embodied in this bill nor are we in 
entire agreement with it. In several instances we feel that 
our point of view has not been sufficiently considered. 

At this writing we are planning an intensive campaign to 
try to force consideration of the amended Harrison-Black- 
Fletcher Bill in Congress before its adjournment. It is im- 
portant to note here that we agreed to the amending of the 
Harrison-Black-Fletcher Bill because that bill had at the 
time weathered the Senate Education Committee and was 
on the calendar. 

Should the bill be shelved at this session of Congress we 
have still a great deal of progress to encourage us. For the 
first time an official committee has endorsed the principle 
of Federal Aid to public schools. Furthermore, in its endorse- 


a HE National Legislative Committee has had as its 


@ MARY FOLEY GROSSMAN 


ment it has approved the principle for which the AFT has 
voted, namely equalization among the various states. Even 
if the bill does not reach final consideration at this session 
it has excellent chances of passing in the next session of 
the legislature. 

In other respects the present session of Congress has been 
one marked by bitter opposition to basic theories of democ- 
racy. The reactionary and anti-labor elements in the coun- 
try have girded their loins to defeat all progressive legisla- 
tion, starting with the defeat of the President’s Supreme 
Court proposals. Various Congressmen and Senators, re- 
gardless of strict party affiliation, have grouped themselves 
for a fight against legislation for the benefit of the majority 
of the people of the United States. Thus the Wages and 
Hours Bill was pushed aside. Similarly, after a vigorous 
campaign the Reorganization Bill was defeated. Again the 
President’s plan for work relief was assailed. 

In all of these situations your legislative committee took 
the position of defending social legislation. It asked for the 
continuance and extension of the Recovery Program; it 
supported the President’s Reorganization plan. Likewise it 
supported the Wages and Hours Bill and established contact 
with representative people in Congress in support of the 
Wagner Labor Relations Act when it was attacked. 


On the question of Peace, which evidently concerns a 
great many of our members if communications to the Legis- 
lative Committee are at all indicative, we have stressed the 
necessity for a clear national policy in the growing war 
danger. We have accordingly requested from McReynolds 
an open hearing on Peace Policy before his committee de- 
manding that due consideration be given the O’Connell 
Peace Bill and the various other measures, including that 
of Byron Scott of California, so that a teal definite national 
policy might be arrived at. 


In addition to these activities on a national scale which 
are important principally because they are reflected in state 
policy and because they have attempted to achieve concrete 
Federal assistance in the case of the Federal Aid Bills for 
educational equalization and educational expansion, the 
National Legislative Committee has attempted to fulfill the 
growing need of the locals throughout the country for help 
in the state legislative field. In the Model Bill Bureau, we 
have been making extensive research on matters of local 
importance such as tenure, sabbatical leave, retirement, sal- 
ary schedules, etc. We have prepared two model bills and 
have several others which are in state of preparation. 

We hope to extend this service so that states may have 
model material upon which to pattern local measures for 


THE AMERICAN TEACHER 


| 
| 








introduction into state legislative campaigns to put through 
various acts for the social and economic security of teach- 
ers in service as well as the protection of the public school 
system in general. 

The National Legislative Committee finds its work be- 
coming increasingly complex. It welcomes its new and en- 
larged activities but would like to have from individuals and 
locals throughout the country more conscious cooperation 
in the form of a. criticisms and suggestions of its work; 0. 
prompt response to its requests (whether for information or 
action in Congress) and c. an evaluation of its services and 
frank discussion as to whether these should be curtailed, 
expanded or merely maintained at its present level. 

We all feel there is a tremendous field for legislative work. 
Primarily as employees of the state our economic status is 


dependent upon effective legislative action. In other unions 
the economic and social well-being of members depends in 
large part upon successful negotiations with individual em- 
ployers. In our case satisfactory working conditions are al- 
most wholly dependent upon skillful legislative policy and 
careful alignment of public opinion. It seems to us therefore 
that more anc more the American Federation of Teachers 
must concern itself with a sound legislative program based 
upon legislative research. 

We welcome any criticism or suggestion you may give 
us for improvement. Please do not hesitate to send us even 
the smallest contribution in this respect since upon your 
interested cooperation depends the effectiveness of the 
American Federation of Teachers in improving the school 
system in the United States. 


Support For Federal Aid 


U NIVERSITY presidents, representatives of William Green 
and John L. Lewis, of major farm organizations, 
Negro leaders, Senators and ten Representatives, attending 
the National Conference on Federal Aid to Education in the 
National Press Club Auditorium, Washington, D. C. on 
May 7 and 8, joined in urging the Federal government to 
grant Federal Aid to States unable to support adequate 
school facilities. 

Dr. Frank Baker, president of the State Teachers Col- 
lege, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, ——— 
and a member of the AFT 
expressed the sentiment of the 
conference when he stated: 
“To assure its own security, 
democracy must maintain 
equality of educational oppor- 
tunity. In the eyes of de- 
mocracy the son of the tenant 
farmer in Arkansas is just as 
precious as the son of the 
wealthy banker on Wall 
Street and the education of 
the former may contribute _ 
more strength to democracy than the education of the 
latter.” 

Dr. Mordecai W. Johnson, president of Howard Uni- 
versity, Washington, D. C., drew the applause of the con- 
ference when he reminded the delegates that they were 
duty-bound to fight for Federal Aid to the schools of the 
South. AFT vice presidents, legislative representatives of 
the American Youth Congress, the Peoples Lobby, the Na- 
tional Farmers Union, the Louisiana Farmers Union, the 
American Library Association, Farm Research, the National 
Negro Congress and many other organizations stressed the 





MAY-JUNE, 1938 


importance of immediate passage of the AFT-sponsored 
Harrison-Thomas-Fletcher Bill. 

Dr. Frank P. Graham, president of the University of 
North Carolina, pointed out that large numbers of rural 
children later become citizens of our cities, and certainly 
reflect the state of our educational drawbacks. “The quality 
of education in those rural areas is a matter of vital concern 
to the industries, the cities, and the people of the whole 
country”, he declared. “An economic, social and cultural 
lag in any part of the country is an economic, social and 
cultural damage to all parts of the country.” 

From every part of the country there were delegates and 
observers who hammered home the need for Federal Aid, 
and the support they would throw behind its passage. Con- 
gresswoman Nan Honeyman represented the support pledged 
by Governor Martin of Oregon. Jerry Voorhis, Congress- 
man and AFT member, represented California. Gordon 
McIntyre spoke for the Farmers Union of Louisiana. Sen- 
ator Elbert Thomas spoke for Salt Lake City, Congressman 
Burdick for North Dakota, Miss Allie B. Mann for Atlanta, 
Georgia. Others pledged wide support. 

President Jerome Davis, Dr. W. Carson Ryan Jr., Presi- 
dent of the Progressive Education Association (the confer- 
ence was called by the AFT and the PEA), Mary Foley 
Grossman, National Legislative Representative, and Profes- 
sor Doxey A. Wilkerson, AFT Vice-president, all pointed out 
to the delegates what their next steps should be. Congressmen 
must be seen and written to, because all of them are neces- 
sarily sensitive to such a human factor as democratic edu- 
cation. Organizations must mobilize support by going on 
the radio and broadcasting about the need for the passage 
of this bill. State legislatures should be memorialized so 
that they in turn will exert pressure on Congress. 

Eucene C. Ho_Mes 








Fighting the New Three R's 


@® ARNOLD SHUKOTOFF 


HE necessity of nation-wide pressure in given local 
situations is dramatically indicated by a considera- 
tion of the after-effects of teacher dismissals. 

In Monongalia County, W. Va., two teachers were ousted 
last June. Both Donald Chesrown, who was head of the 
Industrial Arts Department of the Morgantown High 
School, and Owen Hamilton had been active in the Teachers 
Union and in the Central Labor Union of Monongalia 
County. The charges made against both men in interviews 
held between the Central Labor Union and the Monongalia 
County Board of Education were trivial and vague. “Un- 
popular in the community” was one. But when Dr. Charles 
Ambler, the head of the Board, was asked: ‘““Unpopular with 
whom in the community,” he was compelled to reply: un- 
popular with the anti-union forces in the community. 

Since the two dismissals last June—three other teachers 
were reinstated as a result of labor protest—a number of 
things have occurred. Assistant Superintendents Walter 
Riddle and Robert Clark have been riding around the coun- 
try-side, calling teachers out of classrooms and asking them 
whether they belonged to the Teachers Union. Organization 
in Monongalia-County has been traveling downhill. Fear 
of reprisal has settled like a terrifying shadow over the 
area to make a mockery of academic freedom. Further- 
more, financial racketeering has appeared. At a County 
Parents-Teacher meeting on February 1, Dr. Charles Am- 
bler tried to conceal the true amount of taxes derived by 
the school board from the State. After being questioned, 
he was also forced to admit that the school board had bor- 
rowed $87,000 illegally. 

In Flint, Mich., teacher intimidation and the worsening 
of school conditions have also followed the dismissals of 
three active teachers. An analysis of average salaries paid 
by twenty cities of comparable size reveals that Flint is at 
the bottom of the list—below Reading, Pa.; Scranton, Pa.; 
Fordson, Mich.; Evansville, Ind.; South Bend, Ind.; Pon- 
tiac, Mich.;—below all, with an average annual salary of 
$1599. Although the school year has been gradually short- 
ened from 1931 to the present, further shortening is now 
indicated. Furthermore, books that have been on the 
library shelves for years have been suddenly withdrawn. In 
addition to pro-labor books, so careful a work of scholarship 
as Professor Frederick Schumann’s The Nazi Dictatorship 
has been removed. 

Teachers sometimes regard the dismissals of active union 
colleagues as scheduled “spite” affairs. Administrators are 


10 








Retrenchment, Racketeering 
and Reaction are behind the 
attacks on the progres- 


sive forces in the schools. 


thought of as necessarily hostile to union organization. Those 
who think along these lines disregard the increasingly sym- 
pathetic attitude of an ever-increasing number of adminis- 
trators toward the Federation. They overlook the fact that 
antagonism between teachers and administrators exists only 
when the latter regard themselves as financial rather than 
educational agents, and that antagonism tends to disappear 
when the needs of teachers, students and the community 
come to replace in the administrator’s mind attention for- 
merly given to the demands of board members. 

The foregoing proposition makes it clear that the dis- 
missal of active teachers has.a fundamental purpose. It is 
not merely a question of removing a harassing opponent. 
It is actually a problem of removing any one who will or- 
ganize opposition to retrenchment, racketeering, or reaction 
in education. It is a problem of preparing the ground for 
the carrying out of a financial program for the few instead of 
an educational program for the many. The impoverished 
Flint schools and the financial difficulties facing the Morgan- 
town schools forcefully illustrate the routine followed. 

The fight to reinstate 
ousted teachers thus is basic- 
ally a fight to protect the 
school system against further 
destructive attacks by anti- 
educational forces in the com- 
munity. Because of the wave 
of fear that sweeps through 
schools and communities in 
which dismissals occur, out- 
side pressure is frequently the 
sine qua non for an effective 
fight. 
oe ed, In the case of Professor 
Jerome Davis, nation-wide pressure compelled the adminis- 
tration to grant an added year’s salary. Public interest over 
a period of twenty years prepared the ground for the recent 
reinstatement of Professor William Schaper at Minnesota. 
In California, widespread protest this January prevented the 
revocation of the teaching license of Victor Jewett. In New 
York, public criticism recently forced the Board of Educa- 
tion to grant a teaching license to August B. Gold. If the 
schools and teachers of Flint and Morgantown are to meet 
the challenge of the new three R’s in education, they must 
have support and encouragement from teachers all over the 
country. 











THE AMERICAN TEACHER 














On Current Issues 


in the Harvard University Catalogue as on the 

Visiting Committee of the Board of Overseers on 
Economics. He was engaged in criminal operations when 
awarded an honorary degree at New York University. A 
year or two ago we were informed that Raymond J. Walsh, 
one of the most popular teachers in the Economics Depart- 
ment at Harvard and a vice-president of the American Fed- 
eration of Teachers, would not be retained. Richard Whit- 
ney will no longer have influence on the Department of 
Economics at Harvard but the system of control by con- 
servative economic royalists still remains dominant at many 
institutions of learning in the United States. We cite Har- 
vard precisely because it is among the best of our universi- 
ties in the matter of freedom, as their recent gesture in 
placing Granville Hicks on their staff indicates. But even 
so, from Laski to Walsh there have been subtle restrictions 
on academic freedom, even at Harvard. 


What does all this control do to the minds of men? For 
one thing it tends to make relatively scarce the teacher who 
dares to follow truth into zones of economic conflict. Radi- 
cal instructors must, as a rule, keep their beliefs within the 
realm of theory and the confines of the classroom or else, 
even if hired, they will be fired. 


This contro! also tends to keep the average citizen from 
learning about the realities of our social order in the school. 
Politics is seldom taught by concrete demonstrations re- 
garding the behavior pattern of actual bosses or political 
machines which dominate within a particular state or local 
community. Economics seldom portrays the actualities of 
the control by the public utilities and the vested interests. 
The result is that citizens tend to fall easy victims to special 
interest groups who masquerade under patriotic titles. 


R ICHARD WHITNEY, now in a cell in Sing Sing, is listed 


Recently I have been broadcasting over a national net- 
work on education. It is symptomatic that American citi- 
zens trained in our schools can write such rejoinders as this: 


I am not a member of the K.K.K. but as near as I can learn 
they are the one organization that stands for real Americanization 
and believe in keeping America for Americans and do not allow any 
Roman Popery in their program. I do know all they teach in 
Parochial schools is hatred towards any one that does not conform 
to their Roman way of thinking. Why not get busy and inform 
yourself before knocking the K.K.K. hereafter. 


Here is another: : 


I today heard your ignorant address. If the people would come 
back to the true education, namely to the Lord Jesus Christ as 
Saviour things would soon be different and no need of unions and 
rebel Reds. 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 


@ THE PRESIDENT'S PAGE 


Americanization of the right sort and a religion which 
promotes justice and the common good may both be desir- 
able, but when Americanization masks behind the Ku Klux 
Klan and religion operates against unionization both are 
dangerous. Education should make every citizen see behind 
such superficialities. .. . 

The railroads of the United States are now in financial 
difficulties. Recently they had the temerity to ask the 
President of the United States for a government subsidy. 
Yet at the hearings of the Senate Committee investigating 
railroad finance, it was revealed that from 1920 to 1936 
the various rail associations spent approximately one hun- 
dred and eighty-seven million dollars for lobbying. They 
also secretly financed some one in the Investors’ Association 
to hand out biased propaganda. 

The American Federation of Teachers believes that edu- 
cation cannot ignore great public issues or significant rev- 
elations like this. We stand guard not only for the welfare 
of the children but for democracy itself. Education must 
let in the light on what is happening in the social and eco- 
nomic order and prepare children to play their part in a 
real world of struggle and strife twixt greed and justice... . 

In appraising our present situation teachers need to con- 
sider their treatment in relation to that of others. Consider 
the military group, for instance. It costs the government 
in the neighborhood of $35,000 to educate a naval officer. 
He has the option of retiring at 38, even when strong and 
well. Many officers have been forced to retire at 48. A 
major-general may retire at 48 and draw a salary of $6,000 
a year. At present the total cost of retirement in the navy 
alone reaches almost thirty-seven million dollars annually 
and within ten years it will actually cost tax payers $100,- 
000,000 a year.... 

Elsewhere in this issue is an announcement of the National 
Convention which meets August 15 to 19 in Cincinnati. 
Every member of our Federation should want to attend. 

What shall be our relation to the issues confronting 
America? One session of the Convention will be devoted to 
the question of Academic Freedom. In the past few months a 
wave of dismissals and of other violations of academic free- 
dom has occurred. The Educational Policies Committee 
will report their findings regarding the content and the 
processes of education. We intend to have one session de- 
voted to the problems and difficulties confronting locals 
in their organizing work throughout the nation. Here there 
will be opportunity for all to share in helping to solve our 
common problems. Jerome Davis 





| 





Democracy 


In Our Text Books 


@ MOWAT G. FRASER 


even explain democracy? The answer is startling 

even to many educators of liberal leanings. It is 
also of the highest importance. It not only reveals the true 
status of education for democracy in this country—it offers 
both undeniable evidence of the opposition to such educa- 
tion and an unassailable, key opportunity for bettering 
conditions. 

Democracy, we may all agree, means rule by the people— 
in civic affairs, by all normal adult citizens. But today, it 
is becoming increasingly evident, democracy implies more 
than simply a form of government. Voters may not dare 
to take part in political campaigns for fear of losing their 
jobs; and they may not want to campaign for the people’s 
good because of misinformation or narrow aims. If we are 
to have rule really by the people today, therefore, we must 
assure them economic and educational as well as political 
opportunity. Furthermore, if we are to prevent a concen- 
tration of power which would tend to curb these kinds of 
opportunity, the ideal to strive for must be opportunity 
which is equal to all. 

How many textbooks encourage their readers to consider 
how consistent our crucial, controversial civic policies are 
with the democratic ideal of equal justice and opportunity ? 
I am not asking how many tell which policies are consistent 
with the ideal and which are not. I am only asking how 
many encourage their readers to consider such matters. 

About three years ago I began to try to find out. I have 
since examined all the most widely used elementary and 
secondary school civics, economics, history, and other social 
studies textbooks, and all others which I have been able to 
find. I have written to all the leading publishers, all the 
leading textbook writers, and several leading professors of 
the teaching of the social studies, to ask their opinions. 
Through articles, speeches, and further correspondence, I 
have made known my findings to all these individuals and to 
many others, and have asked for contrary evidence. 

What have been my findings? Almost all textbooks extol 
democracy in name. Many discuss our most important gen- 
eral civic problems, and some of them give long lists of 
arguments on “both sides” of such problems. Some cite 
certain recent controversial issues as specific illustrations. 
Most books somewhere mention equal opportunity as an 
ideal; and a very few somewhere contain an isolated ques- 
tion or two concerning the attainment of that ideal. But 
how many encourage their readers to consider how consis- 


ow many American school textbooks encourage or 


12 





Pointing out that when not a 
single American text encour- 
ages true democracy, the time 


is ripe for textbook reform. 


tent any disputed civic policy is with that ideal? Not a 
single one! In other words, not a single American school 
textbook encourages or even explains democracy in our cru- 
cial, disputed economic, labor, political, educational, or other 
civic affairs—not a single one! (With the exception of the 
few statements in a very few books, used only in a few 
colleges and usually only for reference, the same is true 
of college textbooks. ) 

This conclusion is not a matter of opinion. The proof is 
in black and white for anybody to see at any time. 

Nor, as far as I know, is this conclusion now disputed 
by anybody who has heard or read a full statement of it. 
Half a dozen publishers, a like number of teachers and pro- 
fessors, and one textbook writer have disputed it and cited 
pages in certain books as evidence. I have examined all 
such pages and books with care. They contain commenda- 
tions of the least disputed aspects of democracy, and cite 
instances or raise questions concerning their attainment. 
But in no case is there even the slightest encouragement 
for the reader to consider these matters, much less more 
vital and controversial ones, in the light of the ideal of 
equal opportunity. Upon my pointing out this fact, none 
of the objectors has persisted with his contentions. 

On the other hand, many publishers, textbook writers, 
and educators have written me admitting, explaining, and 
usually regretting the fact I have pointed out. The tenor 
of all their explanations is the same. Textbook writers, they 
believe, will not write books encouraging the democratic 
ideal and publishers will not publish them simply because 
school administrators and boards of education are afraid 
that such textbooks will be considered too radical—afraid 
that the American public will object to books which discuss 
its most important civic problems with unselfish aims! A 
typical opinion is the following from a publisher who had 
recently requested my review of his newest textbook, but 
to whom I had to reply that his book had the fundamental 
failing of all others: 

Ideally speaking, we are in agreement with you when you say 
that an outstanding civics text should advance the democratic 
ideal of equal opportunity for all. As publishers, however, we are 
forced to look at the problem from a commercial standpoint... . 
I am very much afraid that the educators themselves would 
crucify any authors or publishers who brought out a book which 


attempted to crusade for the ideal of maximum social opportunity 
for the masses. Some day, perhaps, this will not be true. 


Let me be clear. I am not implying that textbooks should 
give any particular solutions to any controversial problems. 


THE AMERICAN TEACHER 








—_ttt., 











OO _ 
a, 


—c_, 


tet 





I am suggesting only that textbooks should encourage their 
readers to consider our most important civic problems, and 
to consider them with an unselfish aim—the democratic aim 
of equal opportunity for all, politically, economically, and 
educationally. 

What can be done? Reform is not impossible. There 
have been numerous indications in the last few years that 
a considerable majority of the American public not only 
need but are ready to demand a thoroughly democratic 
solution of our civic problems, as well as a fearless con- 
sideration of them. This interest is obviously being stimu- 
lated by the same social trends which are causing our 
prevalent economic insecurity and educational inadequacy; 
and it will apparently increase in force until such insecurity 
and inadequacy are eliminated. 

Nor is such reform of minor importance. Vital textbooks 
are of continuous, widespread influence. Textbooks are not 
of merely temporary concern and quickly laid aside; they 
are used from week to week and year to year. They are 
used by millions of citizens—not only by students but also 
by teachers and laymen. Textbooks which encourage true 


Educational 


UBLIc attention in New York City was focused on 
r the problem of “Education for Democracy” when, 
on April 2, more than 3000 teachers attended the annual 
educational conference sponsored by Local 5. The teach- 
ers assembled in ten morning panels to discuss with 
labor, parent leaders and persons prominent in school 
affairs the next step necessary for making the schools more 
responsive to the needs of the people. The panel discussions 
were followed by a general luncheon-meeting that taxed 
the capacity of New York’s largest dining room. The lunch- 
eon was addressed by John Brophy, Director of the CIO, 
Jerome Davis, president of the AFT, and Charles J. Hend- 
ley, president of Local 5. Dr. Roma Gans of Teachers 
College, Columbia University, presided. 

Three of the morning panels heard and discussed pro- 
posals for extending democracy in education through 
strengthening and safeguarding popular control of the 
schools and assuring greater freedom to teachers and stud- 
ents. The speakers at these panels included Paul Kern, 
president of the Municipal Civil Service Commission, and 
James Marshall, vice-president of the Board of Education. 
Commissioner Marshall, addressing a hall that was crowded 
to the point of overflowing, urged teachers to affiliate with 
the labor movement. Celia Lewis, Chairman of the Aca- 
demic Freedom Committee of Local 5, spoke for the union 
at this panel. 

Two panels were addressed by members of the Execu- 
tive Council of the AFT. Doxey Wilkerson spoke at the 
panel on the Negro in the schools. Mary Foley Gross- 
man addressed the group that dealt with the development 
of a people’s culture. 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 


democracy could encourage it among thousands of teachers 
who today obviously do not appreciate its meaning. Such 
vital, clarifying books would inevitably be carried to inter- 
ested parents in tens of thousands of homes, and become 
the concrete bases for discussion in innumerable forums, 
churches, and discussion groups. Sometimes the case for 
humanitarianism seems hopeless. 

What, then, should we do? Two things especially, it 
seems to me. First, let us bring this need out into the open 
and request support from all organizations interested in 
civic education—women’s, church, labor, business, “patri- 
otic”, veteran, fraternal, professional and other organiza- 
tions. 

Secondly, let us ask these organizations to sponsor the 
new textbooks needed. For an individual to write a text- 
book with a new dominant idea is an arduous and lengthy 
task; for him to write it in the face of unappreciative, even 
hostile potential buyers is scarcely conceivable. American 
educational and civic organizations which sincerely believe 
in democracy should help to sponsor the new books now 
needed, and to see that they are used in every school. 


Round Table 


Other panels dealt with child welfare, vocational educa- 
tion, the teaching of American ideals of democracy and 
peace, and a critical evaluation of recently published re- 
ports by committees of the Board of Superintendents. 


Mr. Brophy in his luncheon address stressed the unity of 
interests of the labor movement and the profession in meet- 
ing the assaults of reaction. Dr. Davis, surveying the cur- 
rent attacks on the American system of free public educa- 
tion, pointed to the underlying cause: “This attack is not 
based entirely on the specious cry of ‘economy’. It is rather 
based on the conviction that a democratic system of educa- 
tion is developing a democratic people, able to think, to 
vote, to act in its own interests. Such an educated, alert 
populace might be disastrous to certain vested interests.” 

Among the distinguished guests at the luncheon were 
those State Senators and Assemblymen who had actively 
supported the Union’s legislative program. These included 
the five Assemblymen elected by the American Labor Party, 
the New York division of Labor’s Non-Partisan League. 
A representative of the Mayor conveyed his greetings to the 
gathering. Messages of support were also received from 
Frederick L. Redefer, Secretary of the Progressive Educa- 
tion Association, and Thomas Mann, noted German writer. 

The proceedings of the conference will soon be published 
in a 32-page booklet. Local 5 hopes to approach the objec- 
tive set by the National Educational Policies Committee: 
“We must make education more responsive to the needs 
of the people. We must implicate the people and excite 
their interest in the problems of democratic education.” 


IrvING ADLER 


{ 
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The Wagner Labor 


Relations Act 


Te National Labor Relations Act was designed for 
the purpose of protecting and promoting collective 
bargaining between empioyers and employees. It 
has no other purpose except that. All of the provisions of 
the Act are incidental to the central purpose of giving the 
workers the right to deal collectively with their employers 
and to protect that right by the force of law. The Act was 
not designed for mediation of labor disputes, nor the 
arbitration of labor disputes, nor for the regulation of trade 
unions, nor for the preservation of law or order in times of 
strike. These matters are not within the purview of the 
Act and are not intended to be. 

The Act proceeds on a simple theory based on long known 
and well established facts. These facts demonstrate that 
strikes interfere with commerce; that the failure to bargain 
collectively is one of the major causes of strikes; and that 
the elimination or reduction of this cause will reduce the 
number of strikes and, thereby, protect commerce from 
interference. No one can understand the National Labor 
Relations Act, much less criticize it, unless he starts with 
the purpose of the Act. Those purposes were set forth so 
clearly by the Senate Committee, when it had the Act under 
consideration, that they cannot be misunderstood, except 
by those who wish to misunderstand them. The Commit- 
tee said: 

The most fertile sources of industrial discontent can be segregated 
into a single category susceptible to legislative treatment. Com- 
petent students of industrial relations have estimated that at 
least twenty-five per cent of all strikes have sprung from failure 
to recognize and utilize the theory and practices of collective 
bargaining, under which are subsumed the rights of employees to 
organize freely and to deal with employers through representatives 
of their own choosing. 

Long ago the same fact was recognized by the Supreme 


Court in the Debs Case. 

“The National Government,” said the Court, “given by the 
Constitution power to regulate interstate commerce, has by express 
statute assumed jurisdiction over such commerce when carried 
upon railroads. It is charged, therefore, with the duty of keeping 
those highways of interstate commerce free from obstruction, for it 
has always been recognized as one of the powers and duties of a 
government to remove obstructions from the highways under its 
control.” 

Congress declared the intent of the Act to be the removal 
of the causes of certain substantial obstructions “to the 
free flow of commerce and to mitigate and eliminate these 
obstructions when they have occurred by encouraging the 
practice and procedure of collective bargaining and by 
protecting the exercise by workers of full freedom of asso- 


14 


A labor arbitrator discusses 
the ‘background and func- 
tioning of the Labor Act. 


@ JOHN A. LAPP 


ciation, self-organization and designation of representatives 
of their own choosing, for the purpose of negotiating the 
terms and conditions of their employment or other mutual 
aid or protection.” 

One of the most remarkable facts about the National 
Labor Relations Act is that it should be required at all 
to protect the right of workers to organize and bargain col- 
lectively. That is a natural right and workers are in no 
different category than bankers, merchants, lawyers or 
manufacturers who organize for their mutual aid and ad- 
vantage. The right to join unions was, to be sure, legally 
accepted. But of what avail would it be to have the 
right to join a union if the employer could discharge work- 
ers for that reason? Legal rights became a fiction in the 
face of the economic power of employers to discharge or 
discipline employees for union activities. The National 
Labor Relations Act sought simply to protect workers in 
a legal and natural right. It was, in fact, a culmination of 
more than forty years’ effort to protect the right of workers 
to organize. Just forty years ago Congress passed an Act 
prohibiting the discharge of workers on railroads for joining 
labor unions. About the same time, fifteen or more states 
passed similar laws, making it a penal offense to discharge 
men for joining unions or to require them to agree not to join 
unions as a condition of employment. These acts were 
struck down by Supreme Court decisions which held that 
they interfered with the right of free contract on the part 
of employers and employees. 

In the period of the World War, the right to organize 
was largely protected through the insistence of the govern- 
ment and through the operation of the War Labor Board. 
These protections were removed immediately after the war 





THE AMERICAN TEACHER 








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ended, but a statute applying to railroads was finally passed 
and accepted as constitutional by the Supreme Court, 
assuring the right to organize and bargain collectively to 
the workers in that industry. 

The Federal Government made its first broad effort, 
applying to all industries, to safeguard collective bargaining 
by law, when it passed the famous Section 7 (a) of the 
National Industrial Recovery Act. The terms of that sec- 
tion expressly prohibited interference with the right of work- 
ers to organize. Section 7 (a) was hailed as a charter of 
liberty. It was believed that the right of labor to organize 
was clearly insured and safeguarded. Organization of work- 
ers spread rapidly. The time seemed to be arriving when 
employers and employees everywhere would sit at the con- 
ference table and, through collective bargaining, settle their 
differences. 

The Government did not seek to organize workers, but 
rather to clear the path for organization. Insofar as men 
wished to organize, it was intended that they should have 
the right to do so. If men did not wish to organize that 
was their privilege. It appears that men did wish to organize 
for the membership of labor organizations increased at a 
rapid rate during the summer and fall of 1933, but the 
life of Section 7 (a) was short. Employers soon began to 
evade and defy it and the section, itself, passed out of 
existence with the decision of the Supreme Court in the 
Schechter case. 

Thus, with the exception of the Railway Labor Act, 
workers had little, if any, protection in their right to 
organize prior to the passage of the National Labor Rela- 
tions Act. The Act met the fury of employers and the 
subtlety of the lawyers. It was openy defied. Lawyers said 
it was unconstitutional. Fifty-nine of the leading attorneys 
of the country, in a widely circulated brief, contended that 
there was no doubt that it was unconstitutional. Courts 
began to act on that assumption. Injunctions were issued 
right and left; sometimes it would appear without the court 
taking the trouble to review the law. The staff of the 
National Labor Relations Board had to run hither and yon 
to meet the onrushing attacks. 

Nearly one hundred suits were fought out in the courts 
over the simple question as to whether the Board could 
hold a hearing. Lawyers contended that the Act was in 
violation of the Fifth Amendment, because it took property 
without due process of law. They contended, further, that 
it could not apply to manufacturing and production because 
those were local matters over which the Federal Govern- 
ment had no control. These contentions were all swept 
aside by the Supreme Court in one of the most stunning 
defeats that the legal profession has ever encountered in 
this country. Not only was the Act upheld as constitu- 
tional, under the Fifth Amendment, but its application 
to all industries through which streams of interstate com- 
merce flow, or which affected such streams of commerce, 
came under the provisions of the Act. The orderly pro- 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 


“TN 





cedure of law has been restored. The Board is enforcing 
the Act to secure the right of workers to organize and 
bargain collectively. The courts have supported the Board 
in almost every instance and the law is now a fixed and 
permanent part of the labor legislation of this country. 
There is one limitation which exists, by virtue of the 
form of the Federal Government, which must not be over- 
looked. The Act does not apply to all trade and commerce. 
It does not apply to intrastate commerce, where no stream 








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of interstate commerce is involved. It does not apply to 
laundries, dry cleaning establishments, restaurants, hotels, 
barber shops and a host of similar industries. Its applica- 
tion in retailing is not clear, but probably it does not apply 
to the small retail establishments. It does not apply, of 
course, to public employees of states, cities, counties and 
other local governments, there being no question of com- 
merce involved. The recognition that the Federal power 
could not extend to strictly local industries has brought 
the enactment of state laws in a half dozen states which 
extend the protection of law to those trades and callings 
not covered by the National Act. 

The right of workers to organize and bargain collectively 
is protected by the Act. But collective bargaining is only 
a means to an end, that end being better relations between 
employers and employees. Collective bargaining transfers 
the conflict from the picket line to the conference table. 
Satisfactory results can be obtained only when, from the 
conference table, come understandings and agreements 
which are mutually satisfactory. The Act makes it possible 
for the two parties to appear on somewhat equal terms. 
It does not require that either side give in to the other. It 
does not require agreements nor does it force compulsory 
arbitration in case there is no agreement. Employers and 
employees may disagree and strikes and lockouts may 
follow. The aim of the Act is that the causes of unrest 
and of strikes may be met at their source and, to an increas- 
ing extent, through the conference method, may be limited 
or reduced. The final test of the National Labor Relations 
Act will be found in the success with which collective 
bargaining is carried on. 








The Dismissed Teacher 


@ MADALINE KIMTER REMMLEIN 


expiration of their contracts. Such dismissals may 

or may not be just. Details of each individual case 
determine the dismissed teacher’s position; but there are 
certain general rules which all teachers in service should 
understand so that they may evaluate the facts and know 
what procedure is necessary or possible should the situation 
present itself. 

If a teacher receives a notice of dismissal his first step 
is to discover if the school board has the legal right to so 
dismiss him. Until he has received advice, he should not 
stop teaching, unless forcibly prevented. Otherwise, he may 
be said to have abandoned his contract. If the school board 
has acted within its right, the teacher may then discontinue 
his services and prepare his defense. 

The teacher’s position falls into two main categories de- 
pending upon whether or not he is teaching under the pro- 
tection of a tenure law. Tenure teachers may be legally 
dismissed for those causes stipulated in the tenure law. 
These causes usually comprise inefficiency, incapacity, con- 
duct unbecoming a teacher, or other just causes, including 
reasons of economy such as the discontinuance of a particu- 
lar kind of service. (For instance, the kindergarten. The 
“discontinuance of a particular kind of service” may, how- 
ever, not be interpreted as to include discontinuance of a 
subject, especially when the subject is prescribed in the cur- 
riculum.) Tenure teachers have the privilege of advance 
notice and a hearing on the charges. 

In systems where tenure protects teachers from undue 
dismissal, a probationary period is usually required. Pro- 
bationary teachers are subject to dismissal for just cause. 
Unfortunately, probationary teachers are sometimes dis- 
missed for speciously just causes, in reality to prevent their 
acquiring tenure. This is illegal evasior of the tenure law 
and if the teacher has completed his probationary period 
satisfactorily, attempted dismissal has been considered ille- 
gal by the courts provided reappointment would grant tenure 
rights. 

By providing protection against dismissal, tenure laws 
give to tenure teachers not only economic security but pro- 
fessional standing. Oniy six states—Louisiana, Maryland, 
Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin 
—have statewide tenure laws. In Delaware, Montana, 
Nebraska, Nevada, and South Carolina a continuing con- 
tract system is operative. In Ohio contracts may be made 
for more than one year. Fourteen states, in addition, have 
tenure provisions in certain districts but not over the entire 


T EACHERS are not infrequently dismissed before the 


16 


A study to acquaint 
teachers with legal 
rights and procedures 
when facing dismissal. 


state. In sixteen states no legislation at all prescribes the 
length of employment for teachers and in six states the law 
provides only for annual election of teachers. In those states 
having no protective legislation at all the teachers’ chances 
of dismissal during the school term may be high, and an- 
nual election provides only slight protection. 

In states having no tenure law, other statutes have a 
bearing upon the teacher’s term of employment. If the law 
gives the school board the right to ‘dismiss at pleasure” 
no contract will protect the teacher from discharge since 
the law in such cases has been held to nullify all contract 
stipulations inconsistent with it. 

If the law reads that the school board may dismiss teach- 
ers for specified reasons, the teacher may or may not be 
dismissed for reasons other than those specified, for the 
courts have disagreed on the interpretation of such a law. 
Some rulings have expressed the opinion that the list of 
specified causes for dismissal is exhaustive and had the 
state intended that teachers be dismissed for reasons other 
than those specified these other reasons would have been 
included in the statute. However, other courts have ruled 
that the school board may, by contract, gain the right to 
dismiss teachers for causes other than those stipulated by 
statute. 

In some other states, the law provides that teachers may 
be dismissed for cause only, but causes are not specific. 
In such states, the causes used for dismissal may be many 
and varied, according to the individual contract binding the 
teacher. When there is no statutory provision for dismissal, 
the courts have upheld the school board in their right to dis- 
miss teachers provided they can show valid cause. By gen- 
eral understanding, common law, and practice, causes for 
legal dismissal of teachers include incompetency, neglect of 
duty, immorality, and violation of board rules. In general, 
personal reasons or grounds not affecting the teachers’ effi- 
ciency are not legal causes for dismissal. 

Incompetency constitutes a universally valid cause of 
dismissal. But when a teacher is dismissed for incompe- 
tency, the burden of proof is upon the board of education. 
The teacher’s certificate is prima facie evidence of qualifi- 
cation and must be overcome by positive evidence to the 
contrary. When a decision as to the competency of a 
teacher is to be made, the whole course of his conduct 
must be taken into consideration; occasional mistakes are 
not conclusive in the eyes of the law. 

Teachers may be dismissed for neglect of duty. There- 
fore, the courts have been called upon to determine what 


THE AMERICAN TEACHER 














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constitutes neglect of duty within the contemplation of the 
law. For example, it has been decided that frequent tardi- 
ness is justifiable cause for dismissal. Temporary absence 
from school without sufficient cause also constitutes that 
degree of neglect which justifies a school board in dismis- 
sing a teacher. 

A teacher may be dismissed for immorality. In fact, a 
good reputation, as well as a good character, is a necessary 
qualification of a teacher and scandal has been considered 
just cause for dismissal regardless of the truth of the rumor. 

A teacher is bound to obey all reasonable rules and regu- 
lations of the school board employing him. It makes no 
difference whether the rules were in force at the date of 
his employment or were promulgated at a later date. The 
teacher impliedly consents to obey all reasonable rules 
which a board may find it necessary to adopt from time 
to time. The teacher’s obligations in this respect are by 
implication read into the contract. Ignorance is no justifi- 
cation for violation of the rules since it is presumed that 
the teacher contracting to teach, subject to school board 
rules, is cognizant of the content of those rules. 

However, rules and regulations of the school board must 
be reasonable and not inconsistent with state statutes. If 
a board makes an unreasonable rule or a rule in excess of 
authority, the teacher is not bound by it. Obviously, school 
boards and teachers may differ in opinion as to the “reason- 
ableness” of some rules. A few examples will show the 
delimitations of reasonable rules set by court decisions when 
dismissal has been based on violation of same. Dismissals 
have been considered legal when the teacher has refused 
to comply with the regulation that teachers be vaccinated, 
and when the teacher has refused to obey a rule prohibiting 
the reading of the Bible in the schools. It has been held 
to be an unreasonable rule and no cause for dismissal if 
a teacher does not live in a boarding house selected by the 
school board as a condition of employment. Yet a school 
board may legally require teachers to reside in the city 
in which they teach. 

If a teacher has been dismissed in accordance with law, 
there is no cause for action. If his dismissal is illegal, sev- 
eral methods of procedure are open to him, depending upon 
state statutes defining his position. Tenure teachers, ille- 
gally dismissed, may sue for reinstatement. Non-tenure 
teachers under certain circumstances, may sue the school 
board for damages, but never for reinstatement. : 


In states where the law provides for dismissal of teachers 
for cause only, a teacher usually has the right to notice 
of the charges and an opportunity for hearing before the 
school board. This hearing need not be a formal procedure 
but merely the opportunity for defense. After the teacher 
has defended himself before the school board, dismissal by 
the school board is not always conclusive. In some states 
where school tribunals have been established by law for the 
express purpose of reviewing cases under dispute, it has been 
ruled that teachers should appeal to these higher tribunals 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 


before the case is acceptable in court. In Texas, for ex- 
ample, a teacher discharged without cause cannot appeal 
to the court until after he has first exhausted all remedy 
of appeal to school authorities. In certain other states, the 
right of appeal in court is denied and the decision of the 
school tribunal is final. In Iowa, a county superintendent 
held that a teacher had been wrongfully dismissed and the 
decision was considered conclusive in spite of the fact that 
the local school board which had dismissed the teacher at- 
tempted to change their decision. 

A number of court decisions have ruled that dismissal 
by the school board is not conclusive and that the final 
decision rests in court action, regardless of the higher 
school tribunals. Other courts have considered that their 
only function is to determine whether the board has acted 
arbitrarily, corruptly, or in bad faith, and that otherwise, 
the dismissal of the teacher by the school board is con- 
clusive. 

However, in most states, the unlawfully dismissed teacher 
may bring immediate suit against the school board in its 
corporate name, not against any member or official. Indi- 
vidual members of the school board are not liable unless 
they have acted maliciously or in bad faith. 

Provided the dismissed teacher’s case is allowed in court 
and illegal dismissal can be proved, the teacher is entitled 
to recover the wages agreed upon for the time he was pre- 
vented by dismissal from teaching. It has been ruled that 
it is the dismissed teacher’s duty to make every reasonable 
effort to secure similar employment, after the teaching con- 
tract has been broken, in order to mitigate the damages, 
but that he is not required to accept unsuitable employment 
or any position of a lower grade or in a different locality. 
Some teachers may have assumed that the acceptance of 
another position after dismissal and earning compensation 
while the court case is pending would lessen their chances 
of recovery for the unjust dismissal, but this is not so. 
Deductions are made of the amount earned by a sub- 

sequent position which miti- 
gated the damages due. If 
the position accepted subse- 
quently to an illegal dismissal 
be at a larger salary, the 
teacher can still recover nom- 
inal damages for his wrongful 
dismissal. 

These opinions from court 
decisions and the conditions 
of state statutes show that 
non-tenure teachers have little 
assurance of redress in case of 

3 ; dismissal because of the many 
legal technicalities and the contradictory precedent court 
opinions which may work against them. Even if he wins 
his case in court, the damages paid him do not compensate 
for his dismissal except in a limited monetary way. 











Coercion in the Schools 


@ STANLEY F. ATWOOD 


lines which are purely educational is of course not 

only desirable but necessary in the efficient conduct 
of a school system. But when influence is exerted outside 
of this legitimate field it is dangerous both to teachers and 
to the children in public schools. 

This influence may be exerted in different ways. It may 
be crude and open, as when an administrator in a school 
system instructs his teachers to join or not to join an 
organization such as a commercial club, community club, 
professional organization or whatnot. It may consist in 
the teacher being told that he must remain in the com- 
munity over the week-end, how he shall spend his evening, 
whether or not he can play cards, smoke, dance, or in the 
case of a woman teacher, have company of the opposite 
sex. In one case, the superintendent of a small school 
system required the teachers in the system to join one 
professional organization and denied them the privilege 
of joining another, even though the principles of the two 
were not antagonistic. In another case, a superintendent 
announced at the first meeting of his staff in September 
that teachers’ contracts were not being returned to them 
until they had joined a particular teachers’ organization. 

Such crude methods as these are seldom practiced now- 
adays. The intelligent school board member or administrator 
uses subtler but equally effective methods. School directors 
may let it be understood that the teacher or principal has 
a better chance of obtaining a position if he is willing 
to drive the school bus as a part of his duties or for 
a small remuneration, or that if he will serve as leader 
in the Boy Scouts or some other organization it will 
strengthen his candidacy. The school board may also let 
it be known that it looks with favor upon teachers who 
spend their spare time in the community or upon civic 
affairs. It cannot be made a part of the contract, of course; 
nevertheless a word spoken at the right time will get over 
to the teacher the idea of what is expected of him. 

A teacher may be told by some one in authority that 
the community looks with disfavor upon members of the 
profession who use tobacco, who attend card parties, or 
remain away from Sunday school or church. In fact, some- 
times church preference has been a deciding factor in the 
appointment of a teacher. In some districts only Protestants 
may be teachers; in cthers no Protestant will be hired by 
a school board. Fortunately, at the last session of our 
legislature a law was passed prohibiting inquiry by any 
school officia! into the religious affiliation of a prospective 


[ices wi by an administrator upon his assistants along 


A superintendent of schools 
in Washington describes the 
subtler forms of pressure admin- 


istrators may exert on teachers. 


teacher. This is a step in the right direction, and if 
extended to include affiliations with other groups will be 
an even better law. 

Another kind of coercion is more or less unconscious 
upon the part of the official. Schools of education 
in our colleges and normal schools implant in the future 
teacher the idea that he must be entirely cooperative in all 
school matters and must not object to any policy which 
may be part of the system, notwithstanding the fact that 
this policy may have been determined entirely without his 
assistance or knowledge. If he does not entirely approve 
of a method or policy it is his duty nevertheless to support 
it wholeheartedly or seek another position. He learns that 
even though an administrator’s policies be wrong or out- 
moded, it is his duty to follow directions. Such a course 
of training, in most cases, results in turning out of teachers 
who fit into a system of regimentation. This training 
makes it difficult for the teacher to examine critically an 
opinion expressed by an administrator whether in the field 
of education or outside of it. The consequence is that 
teachers become so habituated to follow orders that they 
readily accept as official, pronouncements concerning other 
matters than educational. The administrator, therefore, who 
is not constantly on his guard, is likely to be making 
decisions for his assistants along other lines than purely 
professional ones. He is apt to feel that he owes it to the 
teachers to give them his views upon many subjects. This 
might not be harmful except that it retards the develop- 
ment of independence and initiative on the teacher’s account. 

There is still another way in which teachers are regi- 
mented. This is by the existence of what is in effect an 
espionage system. In many industrial organizations it is 
a definite policy of the management to have spies and 
informers among the employees. Other organizations achieve 
the same result by the encouragement of tale bearing, which 
keeps the bosses informed of what their employees are 
thinking. So far as is known, the stool pigeon system 
is not used in schools but the policy of encouraging reports 
from teachers and principals as to what other teachers are 
doing or contemplating is not uncommon. In fact, in one 
large system the boast is made that within twenty-four 
hours the administration has a report on every teachers’ 
meeting that is held. In other cases, the superintendent 
or principal will receive from some subordinate details of 
matters which have been discussed by teachers either at 
a public meeting or in private. This procedure may not 


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be part of a general plan but it is encouraged by the 
sympathetic manner in which the administrator receives 
confidences. 

The course of the administrator, whether principal, 
superintendent, or school director, in these matters is not 
easy. He has to be constantly on his guard if he does 
not want to encourage regimentation among teachers, that 
he does not put himself on record before teachers on non- 


educational matters. 

In conclusion, it might be asked: What can be done 
about this matter of coercion? After all that is what should 
deeply concern members of our profession. The answer is 
that only by acting together, by supporting each other 
in professional and non-professional affairs also can there 
be built up within the mind of the individual teacher the 
desire to be independent and to develop initiative. 


The Keeney Case 


governor of Montana and the president of the state 
university to reinstate Philip O. Keeney, in his 
position as professor and university librarian with full salary 
from the date of his dismissal. Professor Keeney was dis- 
missed without a hearing last summer, the reason given 
being general unfitness. Actually his qualifications are of 
the highest, the dismissal having been the result of his 
resisting a library censorship of the most parochial sort 
and of his active part in organizing a chapter of the Ameri- 
can Federation of Teachers at the University of Montana. 
Professor Keeney could have sacrificed his intellectual 
principles and abandoned the organization of the Teachers 
Union and kept his position. He chose the courageous line 
of fighting for his position, for his rights as a university 
professor with full tenure and for his rights as a citizen. 
Professor Keeney could not have fought this case without 
the active aid of the American Federation of Teachers, and 
through this professional trade union came the mass sup- 
port of all the organized labor forces in Montana. Leaflets 
were printed, mass meetings held, petitions were circulated 


() MARCH 22 the district court at Helena ordered the 


DECISION IN THE KEENEY CASE 

THE COURT FINDS that Philip O. Keeney, the petitioner and 
the party beneficially interested herein was duly appointed by the 
State Board of Education of the State of Montana as Librarian and 
Professor in the Department of Library Economy at the Montana 
State University of Missoula, and duly qualified and carried on the 
duties of said position from on or about September 16, 1931, to 
September 1, 1937, and that by virtue of the laws of Montana 
and the rules and regulations of said Board in full force afd 
effect said petitioner on September 1, 1937, had and at all times 
since said date has had a position of permanent tenure and has 
been at all times since said date, and now is, entitled to perform 
the duties and services of said position and to receive the salary 
and compensation therefore at the rate of $3360.00 per annum, from 
which he has been unlawfully and without such notice or hearing 
as provided for by law been precluded by said defendants since 
September 1, 1937, and that prior hereto the petitioner requested 
the defendants to admit petitioner to the use and enjoyment of 
said right and to allow petitioner to perform his said services and 
duties which request was by said defendants denied and refused, 
and that his position as Librarian and Professor in the Department 
of Library Economy at the Montana State University at Missoula 
with permanent tenure is a right to which he is entitled, and from 
which he is unlawfully precluded by said defendants and that said 
petitioner has no plain, speedy or other adequate remedy in the 
ordinary course of the law, and that a peremptory writ of man- 
damus should issue in the premises. 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 


and letters of protest were drawn up. The most striking 
feature of the case is, in fact, this successful collaboration 
of manual and intellectual workers. The League of Ameri- 
can Writers, the American Civil Liberties Union and the 
American Association of University Professors have also 
taken part in the case, the latter as an impartial investi- 
gator. The official report of this group and that of the 
American Federation of Teachers will probably be published 
shortly. Professor Keeney’s own professional group, the 
American Library Association, apparently adopted a wait- 
and-see attitude, or at least took no official action. 

The final victory for Professor Keeney is not yet won. 
The decision has: been appealed by the state and probably 
the case will not be heard by the Montana supreme court 
until next fall. The decision by Judge Padbury of the 
district court, however, is a highly significant vindication 
of Professor Keeney’s stand. It is also highly significant 
of what can be accomplished in the defense of cultural 
traditions and academic freedom by the concerted action 
of progressive labor groups. 


WHEREFORE, by virtue of the laws and by reason of the 
premises IT IS ORDERED, ADJUDGED AND. DECREED that 
a peremptory writ of mandamus be issued out of and under the 
seal of this Court directing and commanding Roy E. Ayers, Gov- 
ernor of the State of Montana, Harrison J. Freebourn, Attorney 
General of the State of Montana, Ruth Reardon, Superintendent 
of Public Instruction of the State of Montana, and W. S. David- 
son, W. C. Carruth, Mrs. Mayme Nance, C. Cofman, Wallace 
Brennan, Emmet J. Riley, R. Leedom and C. D. Borton, compris- 
ing the State Board of Education of the State of Montana, and 
George Finlay Simmons, President of said Montana State Uni- 
versity at Missoula, to admit Philip O. Keeney the petitioner herein 
to the use and enjoyment of his said right as Librarian and Pro- 
fessor in the Department of Library Economy at Montana State 
University at Missoula and allow him to perform his services and 
duties as such and to allow him the salary and emoluments to said 
position from September 1, 1937, the date from which he has been 
so unlawfully precluded from his said position. 


IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that said defendants make known 
to this Court on the 30th day of March, 1938, in the Court Room 
in the Courthouse at Helena, Montana, at 10 o'clock A. M. of 
said day how they have executed said writ and to have with them 
and there said writ. The Clerk of the above entitled Court is hereby 
directed to issue said Writ of Mandamus. 

Dated this 22nd day of March, 1938. 

Grorce W. Papsury, Jr. 
District Judge 











Because of the very wide-spread interest in the subject at 
present and the possibility of further discussion of it at our next 
convention, the editorial committee decided to include in THE 
AMERICAN TEACHER Mr. Libby's article, which presents a posi- 
tion contrary to that adopted at our last convention, as well as 
Dr. _* which presents a program similar to that adopted 
in 1937. 





For Peace and Democracy 
@ HARRY F. WARD 


HE purpose of the American League for Peace and 
Democracy was stated in the briefest and simplest 


form by the Congress held at Pittsburgh last Novem- 
ber. It is to: 

Protect and extend democratic rights for all sections of 
the American people; 

Keep the United States out of war and help keep war 
out of the world. Put the other way around, this purpose 
would read: 

To stop and prevent war; 

To prevent fascism from coming to power in the United 
States. 

The uniqueness of the American League is that it unites 
the defense of peace with the defense of democracy, the 
struggle against war with the struggle against fascism. The 
indivisibility of these destroyers of mankind is made abun- 
dantly clear by what is now happening in the world. There 
is war in Europe. There is war in Asia. These conflicts 
are tied together by the alliance between the powers which 
are invading Spain and China. Their procedure, their openly 
proclaimed plans and purposes, call for still more war. All 
the great powers, including our own, are now strenuously 
getting ready for that conflict. 

It is the governments which have destroyed what little 
democracy they had within their own borders that are now 
waging and threatening war. One of their announced objec- 
tives is the abolition of democracy. They insist that the 
authoritarian state offers the best way of life for men. 
Thus, they not only seek their immediate objectives by 
force of arms, but in pursuit of their ultimate goal they 
destroy the only possible road to peace. For it is only 
by the development of democracy, that is, the increasing 
management of the affairs of mankind by consent and 
cooperation, that peace can be progressively organized. It 
is thus the rise and spread of fascism which binds together 
the struggle for peace with the struggle for democracy. 

Another distinguishing characteristic of the American 
League for Peace and Democracy is that it unites in the 
struggle for this two-fold objective the workers, the farmers, 
the intellectuals, and the lower middle classes. Just as it 
was the first anti-war movement to recognize the relation 
of fascism to war, so it was the first to base itself on the 
power of the masses, recognizing that only by united action 
of those millions without whom war cannot today be waged 
will it finally be ended. A counter alliance is true of 


20 











PROGRADF 


the fascism that is now prolonging war beyond its time. 
Fascism comes to power by a combination of classes in 
a fraudulent, unholy alliance. It can be defeated only by 
an alliance of those who understand its nature and their 
common necessity to escape its deadly grip. 

Another distinctive feature of the American League is 
its connection of the necessity of keeping the United States 
out of war with the necessity of helping to keep war out 
of the world. Its program for helping to keep war out of 
the world is conditioned by the imperative need of keeping 
the United States out of war. Unless this can be done, we 
lose our democracy here and our weight is then thrown 
on the side of the anti-democratic forces in the world scale. 





i 





At its 1937 Convention, the American Federation of Teach- 
ers passed the following resolution on the question of fascism 
and war: 


Whereas: The threat of a world war grows more menacing daily, 
primarily because of the unrestrained aggression by Fascist 
countries as evidenced in the attack on Ethiopia, Spain, 
and China; and 

Whereas: The policy of non-intervention actually aids and abets 
Fascism in its attacks on democratic countries, and 

Whereas: A growing Fascism in the United States, as evidenced 
by vigilante attacks on labor and peace organizations, 
endangers the peace of our country; and 

Whereas: Certain features of the Neutrality law of the United 
States which deny aid to legal governments attacked by 
others have encouraged aggression by the Fascist powers, 
thus increasing the danger of a world war; therefore be it 

RESOLVED: That the American Federation of Teachers call upon 
the government of the United States to invoke the powers 
of the Kellogg-Briand Pact, calling for the outlawing of 





war, the creation of collective pacts and the definition 


THE AMERICAN TEACHER 























NFOR PEACE 


’ 


Our war department’s plans for “M Day,” which provides 
for a complete military industrial dictatorship over every 
aspect of American life, express the inner logic of modern 
warfare. They are more than the desires of militarists. 
They are the necessity of carrying on any first-class war. 
That our entry into war, with this disastrous consequence, 
cannot be avoided unless the wars now going on and those 
in prospect can be stopped, is clear enough. The history 
of the World War and the way we got in, our increasing 

preparations to fight again, both tell the story. 
The program by which the American League moves 
toward its two-fold purpose has to be written as the situa- 
(Concluded on page 22) 





ee 





and punishment of an aggressor nation; and be it further 

RESOLVED: That the American Federation of Teachers call upon 
the Government of the United States to invoke the Nine- 
Power Pact in the Sino-Japanese War. 


(The following Resolves were also adopted as amendments): 

RESOLVED: That this Convention urge upon all labor organiza- 
tions the necessity of uniting their forces with one another 
and with all liberals and anti-Fascists to crush the Fascist 
menace and the drive toward imperialist war; and be it 
further 

RESOLVED: That we urge upon the American Labor Movement 
cooperation with the International Labor Movement in 
launching a drive against Fascism and imperialist war 
everywhere, and against Fascist aggression in Spain in 

articular; and be it fu: - 

RESOLVED: That the American Federation of Teachers conduct 
an educational campaign among teachers in opposition 
to imperialist war and to Fascism and that the American 
Federation of Teachers recommend a similar campaign 
to its affiliated locals. 





MAY-JUNE, 1938 


Remove the Causes of Aggression 
@ FREDERICK J. LIBBY 


GGRESSION and treaty-breaking are very much on 
A our minds these days and the question what we in 
America shall do with “treaty-breaking aggressors”’ 

is probably our most important problem. 


The theory that “the democracies should unite against 
the fascist aggressors” and by withholding our economic 
resources bring their trouble-making to an end without war 
is tempting but unsound, as I shall try to show. The 
alternative theory that we should remove the causes of 
aggression and war, while taking an uncompromising stand 
against involvement in any foreign war, is the thesis that 
I support. Let us first consider the weaknesses of concerted 
action against the treaty-breaking aggressors. 


1. Their aggressiveness is rooted, partly at least, in hunger 
and despair. It is idle to argue that they are pursuing 
a wrong method of escape from these evils. The hunger 
and hopelessness of the German people as the result of 
the Versailles Treaty elected Hitler to power. The theory 
of peace through economic pressure is merely an inten- 
sification of the processes that were embodied in the 
Versailles Treaty. To imagine that more of the same will 
cure the ills occasioned by this unjust treaty is fallacious. 


™m 


. It is true that the British Empire, the French Empire, the 
Russian dictatorship and the United States possess a large 
part, probably four-fifths, of the essential natural wealth 
of the world. They control the greater part of the world’s 
coal, iron, oil, cotton, timber, wheat, corn, copper, gold, 
silver. These four great “Haves” may fairly be called the 
“Sixty Families” among the nations. It is their selfish 
use of their wealth, which they have walled in with tariffs 
and immigration laws, that has contributed greatly to 
the present universal distress. The proposal that they 
shall now “gang up” on three of the poor nations and 
starve them into submission is as shocking as the appli- 
cation of the same principle to our national economic 
life would be. 


. The theory that we would thus avoid war is an optimistic 
stretch of the imagination and unjustified by any known 
facts. We have no reason to imagine that the dictators 
can be so easily cowed into submission. Lord Cecil, high 
priest of economic sanctions, said to the National Peace 
Conference: “If you use economic sanctions, you must 
be ready and willing if necessary to use military sanc- 
tions; and I don’t believe in bluff.” 


ww 


The mild. sanctions used by fifty-two nations against 
Italy only served to unite the Italian people back of the 
Ethiopian War. When it was proposed in the House of 
Commons to make the sanctions effective by including oil 
or closing the Suez Canal, the British government through 

(Concluded on page 23) 











Harry F. Ward 


{Continued from page 2!) 


tions arise which call for action. The initial program for 
1938 adopted by the Pittsburgh congress recognizes that 
the focal point just now of the struggle for and against 
democracy in this country is the attack upon labor’s demo- 
cratic rights. The tactic proposed to throw back the open 
assault upon labor by reactionary employers and corrupt 
officials, is the formation of citizens’ committees to unite 
all progressive elements in the community in defense of 
labor’s rights before any of them are deceived by the 
enemy. The more subtle attack upon labor organization, 
that concedes its necessity and then tries to hog-tie it with 
legislative controls, is to be met by educational propaganda 
and counter-pressure upon legislative bodies. The same 
tactic, of course, is used in defense of racial minorities, 
with specific support of the Anti-Lynching Bill. 

In defense of democracy abroad, for the stopping and 
ending of war, the American League relies entirely upon 
economic non-cooperation with the aggressor, and the fur- 
nishing of supplies to his victim, with such regulation of 
purchases and shipments under the cash and carry principle 
as will remove the risk of our becoming involved in war. 
Under these conditions we have stood and still stand for 
the opening of our market to the lawful Spanish govern- 
ment according to our treaty obligations. The experience 
of Mexico in selling arms to Spain proves that this course 
would not bring us into war. Important as it is morally 
and for the sake of precedent to accord the same right to 
China, nevertheless because of Japan’s command of the 
China coast, the more important thing is to stop supplying 
the Japanese militarists with the means to make war. 

This can be done in three ways. First comes the people’s 
boycott of goods made in Japan. This is already successful 
enough to make a considerable dent in Japanese exports 
to this country, principally silk. This means that the war- 
makers have less American money to buy scrap iron and 
oil with which to kill Chinese. The next item in the program 
of economic non-cooperation with the invader is support of 
labor in any refusal to handle war supplies for Japan. 
British labor is now taking such action. American labor 
has yet to move. Both these forms of people’s action will 
increase the possibility of the third step, which is govern- 
ment embargo of all war supplies for Japan, and likewise 
for Germany and Italy. 

To be effective either as people’s boycott, labor action 
or government embargo, this program of economic non- 
cooperation requires concerted action between those nations 
which desire peace and democracy. This concerted action 
cannot be secured unless the people in the respective coun- 
tries can control their anti-democratic, imperialist elements 
which in the search for profit are aiding the war-making 
powers and driving their own countries in the direction 
of fascism. Thus the program which offers the only chance 
of stopping war also moves in the direction of the extension 


22 


of democratic controls, and therefore the further opening 
up of the road to peace. This program of economic non- 
cooperation is the only possible substitute for war in meeting 
the menace of the fascist powers. In the case of Japan, 
because of her isolation and her distance from the nations 
upon whom she depends for indispensable war supplies, 
this program can be applied with practically no risk of 
war. If it can be made effective and Japan is deprived 
of the means to carry on war in China, obviously she will 
not have the means to fight anybody else. Over against 
the slight risk of some one desperate act before supplies 
gave out must be set the fact that the continuance of our 
present policy of doing nothing, except preparing to fight, 
makes war and still more war absolutely certain. 

This program of economic non-cooperation with the war- 
makers is of course only a first step out of our present 
difficulties. It can only lead to the ending of war and 
fascism if it is accompanied by a willingness to cooperate 
with the people of Japan, Germany, Italy, and other coun- 
tries in their situation in the solution of their economic 
problem. By such cooperation we do not mean the futile 
and dangerous effort to make concessions to the fascist 
powers within the framework of the competitive, profit- 
seeking economy. There can be no peace between imperial- 
isms. At the beginning of the conflict in China the Ameri- 
can League urged our government to call the conference 
required by the Nine Power Treaty and to proclaim one 
of its purposes to be to withdraw all foreign troops from 
the soil of China and all warships from her waters, and 
to end all national and international concessions. which 
infringe upon the sovereignty of China. To the World Peace 
Congress at Brussels in 1936 the American League carried 
a proposal for a Peoples’ Peace Pact which declared among 
other things a willingness to “initiate and support measures 
designed to secure equal access for all nations to all things 
needed for their development, realizing that this can only 
be accomplished through worldwide agreement and mutual 
exchange between free peoples.” 





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THE AMERICAN TEACHER 








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Frederick J. Libby 


(Continued from page 2!) 


Anthony Eden declared that this would lead to a general 
European war. Perhaps the British government was 
mistaken but at least it knew as much as we know. 
4. The division of the nations into “peace-loving” nations 
and “treaty-breaking aggressors” is not supported by the 
history of the past twenty years nor by the present map 
of the world. The map shows which nations have been 
the aggressors. Economic aggression of the successful 
imperialist powers has preceded and occasioned the pres- 
ent aggressiveness of the belated and would-be empires. 

Repentance and the restoration of liberty to the peoples 

now held in subjection by the British Empire, the French 

Empire, and the United States would probably do more 

to stop imperialist expansion on the part of Germany, 

Italy and Japan than attempts at coercion without repent- 

ance can accomplish. 

As for “treaty-breaking”, the post-war era began with 
the violation of the terms of the Armistice, President 
Wilson’s Fourteen Points, by the World War victors. The 
pledge to disarm in the Versailles Treaty and the League 
Covenant was violated by the same “peace-loving nations”’. 
It was Great Britain’s reservation of “‘certain regions” that 
nullified the legal value of the Kellogg-Briand Pact. It 
was the members of the League that violated their covenant 
when summoned successively by China and Ethiopia to 
fulfill their obligations. Historical perspective is important 
these days in meeting the present war propaganda. 

The alternative program starts with removing the eco- 
nomic causes of war and of fascism. Genuine economic 
justice is remote but we must move in that direction and 
not in the opposite direction. Instead of depriving the 
dictatorships further of the means of decent living, the 
rich nations should attempt, as Premier Chamberlain is 
endeavoring to do, to remove their sincere grievances— 
and take the risks. The risks are far less than the risks 
of war in the present increasing tensions of an arms race. 

The recent Conference on World Economic Cooperation, 
in which both wings of the National Peace Conference 
united, agreed on the necessity of setting up an independent 
“Economic Grievance Committee”, broadly representative, 
like the International Labor Organization, of business, labor, 
farmers, and governments, to study the economic situatidns 
that threaten the peace of the world and make recom- 
mendations for solutions. 

The lowering of barriers to world trade is here the basic 
task. Secretary Hull’s reciprocal trade agreement program 
is a beginning. Currencies must be stabilized, exchange 
controls removed, the quota system progressively abolished. 
Access to the natural resources of the world must be made 
possible for all peoples alike. 

The other basic element in a wise American foreign 
policy must be to keep America out of foreign wars. Our 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 


best military and naval experts agree that we cannot be 


successfully attacked and that if we have a war, we must 
seek it abroad. Our government has no moral right to 
involve us again in other people’s wars. No injustice that 
China or Lithuania or any other nation may suffer can 
compare with the vast injustice of conscripting our youth 
to swell the proportions of a local war until it becomes 
a world war. 

Follow through a war with Japan. Official estimates 
are that it would cost us fifty billion dollars in money and 
an incalculable number of lives. The military problem of 
landing troops in Japan has not been solved by our High 
Command. Suppose, for purposes of argument, that the 
problem is solved and that after five interminable years 
Japan surrenders her devastated land, both on the islands 
and on the continent of Asia. What then? Our boys will 
want to come home. Annexation of Japan’s poverty and 
problems will not be thinkable. When we come home, shall 
we leave a happier and more prosperous Asia or a chaotic 
and starving Asia, famine-ridden for a generation? 

But follow clearly through! To what will the boys come 
home? To fascism. Make no mistake about it. The War 
Department’s Mobilization Plan and the extracts from it 
contained in the Hill-Sheppard Bill and its successor, the 
May Bill, can leave no doubt in our minds as to what 
is contemplated for us in any war in which our country 
may become engaged. A war dictatorship, in a totalitarian 
organization of the entire nation, with all of us in the 
army in one capacity or another, is the plan. Will the 
dictatorship end with the war? No. When the war boom 
ends, when the soldiers and the factory workers alike are 
no longer needed, then the bottom will drop out of the 
world. To avert chaos, the dictator will retain his control 
indefinitely, as the Mobilization Plan itself realistically 
provides. 

Therefore our country must under all conceivable cir- 
cumstances and provocations stay out of the wars of Europe 
and Asia while we cooperate in removing the causes of war. 
Can we stay out? Certainly, if we make reasonable prepara- 
tions for staying out. The War Department has its “War 
College” helping in the solution of Problems 29 or 35 
for winning some particular war. The State Department 
requires from now on an Advisory Commission, repre- 
sentative of the nation and including its best minds, to 
plan with it how to maintain our neutrality in any war 
that may occur and thus to win the peace. This “peace 
college” will need to consider how in a European war our 
trade should be re-routed, how our bankers shall be con- 
trolled, what restrictions shall be placed upon our shipping, 
what public works will relieve the unemployment, what 
subsidies of specific industries will be required, what con- 
trols of propaganda will be necessary. The task of winning 
the peace is far more important to us all than the win- 
ning of any war. 


23 














a TEER ser nn 


te Serres eeenns 





For the Affirmative 


Unless organized labor unites its forces and stands united it is in 
imminent danger of being overwhelmed by forces of reaction and 
tyranny as were the labor movements of Germany and Italy. Not- 
withstanding this danger, however, the American Federation of Labor 
and the Committee for Industrial Organization seem to be getting 
farther apart and the leaders seem to be reconciled to a permanent 
split between the two organizations. 

Whatever the attitude of the leadership really is, the breach in the 
ranks of labor is intolerable to the rank and file membership of both 
organizations. For it is they who have to bear the brunt of the 
internecine warfare. It is they who are expected to walk through 
rival picket lines and to suppress whatever feelings of solidarity they 
may have for the rank and file in the opposing camp. Now the 
American Federation of Labor is going a step further and is attempt- 
ing to divide the forces of labor. on the political field. A. F. of L. 
unions are also being penalized for even conferring with one another 
on the subject of unity between the A. F. of L. and the CIO. Any 
fraternizing with CIO unionists is now regarded as high treason by 
the ieaders whose prestige is at stake. 

The grim tragedy of the situation is accentuated by the forceful 
demonstration that we have had in the last three years that American 
labor can organize on a mass scale and that there is a basic unity 
within the great mass of organized labor. The success of the CIO 
in organizing the unorganized and in winning agreements with the 
most powerful corporations is convincing proof that an organic unity 
of the crafts, the mass production workers, and the white collar 
workers can be established. Moreover, this mass organization of labor 
is absolutely necessary in the modern world. For mass production 
and the billion-dollar supercorporations, which are inter-locked in 
their financing and directorships, have created a new industrial world 
in which the old order of craft-unionism and business-agent leader- 
ship is wholly inadequate. 

The old leaders of the crafts show no understanding of the new 
order of industry. They have shown a contempt for the unskilled 
and semi-skilled and they manifest a distrust for the white-collar 
and professional workers. We teachers are made to feel this keenly 
when we come into the councils of the A. F. of L. The craft leaders 
apparently are unaware of the powerful social and economic trends 
that are forcing labor to change its methods and policies. Their 
suspension of the original CIO unions, the depriving them of a voice 
in the A. F. of L. conventions and the granting of dictatorial power 
to the Executive Council of the A. F. of L. indicate a determination 
to defend the vested interests of the crafts at all costs. 

What are we teachers to do? That depends on developments over 
which we have little control. We certainly belong on the side of the 
progressive elements and we certainly demand unity. The way to 
unity lies in the direction of mass organization and democratic con- 
trol. Let us face in that direction regardless of the threats of the 
top leadership. 

CuHartes J. HENDLEY 
President 
Local 5, New York 


Unfortunately, we in New Jersey have very little choice, if we 
want to be realistic about the question. On the basis of our ex- 
perience within the American Federation of Labor, we must realize 
that affiliation with the CIO would be a step forward for us. 

Let us consider the evidence. Neither our own Central Labor 
Union nor the State Federation of Labor has been active in our 
support. They have not sent organizers to help us. On the other 
hand, there is evidence which implies that the State Federation of 
Labor is very anxious to see the Teachers’ Union deteriorate in New 
Jersey. This fact holds for the leadership, at least, and their control 
is not seriously threatened. 

As a matter of fact, the leaders of the A. F. of L. in New Jersey 
have fought every worthwhile movement for political emancipation 
of the citizens of this State. They have been bitter in their attacks 
upon Labor’s Non-Partisan League, even with the ruthless domina- 


24 


SHALL WE 


tion of Boss Frank Hague staring them in the face. They backed 
Hague’s puppet, A. Harry Moore, when he was running for Gov- 
ernor. In their legislative activities, they have had a mushy attitude 
toward the work, and not much more than perfunctory work has 
been in evidence in the battle against vicious bills. The President 
of the State Federation of Labor, Louis Marciante, had been of 
some help to us in the past, but for the past year most of his ener- 
gies have been spent with the machine politicians of the State. 

Our local, the Mercer County Teachers’ Union, has had sad ex- 
perience with Mr. Marciante. When we passed a resolution asking 
him to repudiate his associations with Hague, he retaliated with a 
venomous campaign of slanderous red-baiting. Our local Central 
Labor Union, of which he is also President, lined up solidly with 
machinelike precision with a threat to oust us from their body. 
An anonymous letter attacking our Local was even received by the 
C.L.U. and entered in their minutes! It is even an open fact that 
Mr. Marciante is a close friend of one of the most notorious union- 
haters in our town, a school principal who has openly announced a 
plan to “bust the Union”! This is the type of help we can ex- 
pect from the A. F. of L. in New Jersey. 

As a matter of fact, we have been getting help from the CIO, 
even though we are not affiliated with them. These alert and pro- 
gressive unions are more solidly behind us than the Building Trades 
crowd, that is evident. Labor’s Non-Partisan League has furnished 
us with more contacts and has given us more help than the State 
Federation of Labor ever has done. It is a reactionary State, and 
the A. F. of L. here is doing very little to help us in our battle for 
democracy. 

BERNARD FORER 
Mercer County Teachers’ Union 
Local 437 


We the undersigned wish to express the desire that the American 
Federation of Teachers affiliate with the Committee for Industrial 
Organization. We desire this affiliation for the following reasons: 
First, the Committee for Industrial Organization has shown a deep 
interest in the unemployed professional people. Second, it is actively 
engaged in the organization of all salaried professional groups on 
an industrial union basis rather than on ineffective and obsolete 
craft union lines. For these two fundamental reasons we hope 
the American Federation of Teachers will afiiliate with the Com- 
mittee for Industrial Organization. 

Emi Morte. 

Irvinc F. FRIEDMAN 
Exec. Bd. Members 
Local 346, Chicago 


The Hudson County Teachers Union Local No. 515 heartily en- 
dorses the principle of industrial unionism. Laboring under the heavy 
hand of Hague and his reactionary “Labor Leaders”, we never- 
theless are supporting the organization drive of the CIO in Hudson 
County. We feel that the American Federation of Teachers should 
make further efforts to unite the A. F. of L. leadership with the 
CIO and to stem their attempt to disrupt and disunite the ranks of 
labor. If further attempts at conciliation fail, we feel that the 
inevitable must follow—affiliation with the CIO. 

Witit1m Lonc 
President 
Local 515 


THE AMERICAN TEACHER 





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FFILIATE? 


For the Negative 


If American teachers desire better educational opportunities for 
their pupils, if they desire academic freedom, adequate salaries, and 
tenure, they have to negotiate, not with the national congress, but 
with their municipai political units and their state legislatures. It 
is therefore the support of the city and state federations of laber 
that are our great defenses. 

The American Federation of Labor has a state Federation of 
Labor in every state in the Union and in the District of Columbia. 
It has City Central Labor Bodies in practically every town and 
city in America of any industrial importance. 

Of the seventeen cities in America having locals of approximately 
200 or more teachers, six do not have Industrial Union Central 
Councils (i.e., city central bodies affiliated with the CIO). These 
six cities, however, contain approximately 42 per cent of the total 
membership in those seventeen cities. The remaining membership 
of the American Federation of Teachers is scattered throughout 
the country, largely in smaller towns, most of which do not have 
CIO central bodies. Affiliation with the CIO would mean that 
more than 50 per cent of the present AFT membership could not 
have the support of any city central labor body, even if they de- 
sired CIO affiliation; that Chicago with 8,123 teachers, Atlanta 
with 1,040, St. Paul with 800 would have no affiliation with a 
local labor organization. The same would be true of Springfield, 
O.; Butte, Mont., and Detroit, Mich. The teachers at present or- 
ganized in the American Federation of Labor would be divided 
into two labor movements, or else more than one-half of them 
would have no labor affiliation at all. 

Moreover, judging from expressions of opinion at our last con- 
vention and of the large groups of teachers I am constantly meet- 
ing in the Middle West, and from communications sent me from 
California, I am convinced that the majority of the membership 
of the AFT is opposed to affiliation with the CIO. This member- 
ship knows that the A. F. of L. has fought valiantly for the ex- 
pansion of public education, for a rich cultural curriculum for all 
children, for adequate salaries for teachers, for teacher tenure, and 
for academic freedom. 

For 34 years the Chicago teachers have had the unwavering sup- 
port of the Chicago Federation of Labor and the Illinois State Fed- 
eration of Labor in their battles to force tax dodgers to pay their 
taxes, to secure tenure, increases in teachers salaries, and restora- 
tion of salary cuts. The fight against the teachers’ oath bill in 
Illinois was won largely through the efforts of the Illinois State 
Federation of Labor. Does any one think that the Chicago teachers 
or the St. Paul teachers or any of the other teachers unions which 
have had such support will now drop their affiliation with the 
A. F. of L. and its central bodies? 


There are more than one million teachers in America, and only 
24,000 of them are affiliated with labor. Teachers the world over 
are very reluctant about joining the organized labor movement of 
their countries. Of the teachers’ organizations affiliated with the 
International Federation of Teachers’ Associations only the French 
is affiliated with labor. The powerful National Union of Teachers 
of Great Britain is not affiliated with labor. The teachers of 
Sweden and Norway, where Social Democratic parties are in power, 
are also not affiliated with labor. 


We teachers in the AFT can convince our colleagues of the value 
of labor affiliation or can retard for many years the building of a 
significant organization of teachers affiliated with labor. If we trans- 
fer our affiliation from the A. F. of L. to the CIO we accept the 
split as final, and there will be two national organizations of teachers 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 


affiliated with labor. It surely would be more in the interest of 
inculcating ideals of political and industrial democracy in American 
education to have a large number of teachers converted to a belief 
in collective activity with labor than to reduce the number of union 
teachers to inconsequential minorities. 

LILLiAN HERSTEIN 

Local 1, Chicago 


The proponents of CIO affiliation have always talked in glittering 
generalities and have entirely forgotten the many practical problems 
that would arise if our affiliation were changed. 

Have they presented any practical answers to the question of gaining 
support from the whole labor movement in such communities like 
Chicago, Springfield, Cleveland, Toledo, and many other large com- 
munities where the classroom teachers are organized in considerable 
numbers ? 

Those who are in favor of maintaining our present affiliation are 
in thorough sympathy with the aims of industrial unionism; but yet 
we have not overlooked, and cannot overlook, the practical realities 
of getting things done for the teachers and the schools of our com- 
munities. The strongest argument that we can make in getting 
teachers to join our Union is to tell them that by so doing the organiza- 
tion secures the cooperation and help of organized labor in any 
program that is proposed for Democracy in Education and Education 
for Democracy. 

As the situation was prior to our talk of changing affiliation, we 
were in a very strategic position. Locals could secure the help and 
cooperation of both the A. F. of L. and CIO. 

It is unfortunate that the proponents of CIO, in their zeal for 
splitting the union movement, have maneuvered the AFT into a very 
peculiar and harmful position. Our membership perhaps would be 
twice the number we have today if there had not been the threat of 
a change of affiliation. If we are interested in organizing teachers 
in such numbers that they will really be a force in the educational, 
economic and political fields, we must maintain our present affiliation, 
and at the same time, maintain a very friendly attitude with the 
CIO. Unity and progress cannot be obtained by creating disunity. 

It appears to me that anyone who sincerely wishes to see the labor 
movement progress must deplore any division in its ranks. A demand 
should be made to the leaders that they get together. The labor 
movement is bigger than any leader or group of leaders. 

Roy T. Dear 
President, Local 279, Cleveland, O. 


At this stage of “American labor movement with the reaction 
knocking on the door in order to move the clock of history backwards, 
we would do well to consider what should be the position of AFT 
on the issue of unity of labor. 

The economic royalists bent on their purpose of breaking the back- 
bone of successful trade unionism and nullifying the progressive 
measures of the New Deal legislation, are calling to the helm the most 
opportunist leaders of the A. F. of L. to divide and disintegrate the 
rank and file of workers. This they try to accomplish by red-baiting 
and open hostility to the CIO. 

We as educators, in associating ourselves with the A. F. of L. 
desired above all to give articulation to labor’s yearnings and aspira- 
tions for a happier life. As such, we were always ready to fight for 
labor’s rights. 

We have consistently called the attention of the leaders of both CIO 
and the A. F. of L. to bury the hatchet and to compromise on vital 
issues in the face of a common enemy. We were ready to offer our 
counsel to bring the opposing parties to the conference table. 

For all the efforts to bring peace into the family of American labor 
and to forge united action in order to consolidate our gains, we were 
not only held in contempt by the hierarchy of the A. F. of L. but also 
threatened in many locals by expulsion from the federation. 

We know that such dastardly tactics do not come from the honest 
and unity-desiring members of the rank and file of the A. F. of L. 
but solely from the top-heavy bureaucracy of the federation. We are 
sure that the majority of the members of the A. F. of L. are in favor 


25 











SHALL WE AFFILIATE? 
(From preceding page) 


of unity of labor and sympathetic to the CIO’s proposal to enter 
A. F. of L. as an entire body and to iron out the jurisdictional diffi- 
culties later. 

It is the duty of AFT to remain within the ranks of A. F. of L. 
and to appeal to the rank and file to force the leaders to come to 
terms with the CIO group. 

It is our duty to hammer incessantly at the importance of unity at 
the present time. There is no doubt but there must be issues where the 
two labor groups can meet on the common ground. Such action 
of AFT will not only add strength in our struggle for democracy in 
education but also encourage the liberal and progressive groups of 
the middle class of America to ally themselves with labor in their 
fight for democracy. 

ARNOLD KEEN 
Local 481, Newark, N. J. 


For the sake of indicating an unprejudiced judgment and a certain 
background of validity in my opinions which will follow, let me state 
that I am specialist in charge of labor education in Utah, and the 
author of a couple of nationally used texts on unionism. I am in 
direct contact at all times with the whole A. F. of L. and CIO line-up 
in this state. I hold cards in both groups, and my status has never 
been challenged. I have done organizational work in both groups, 
and at the same time. . . . No, I’m not a fence-straddler, but simply 
believe in organizing the unorganized under their legal jurisdictions, 
or, where jurisdictional doubt exists, into the best international for 
their needs. I believe in everything the CIO has done (except where 
it has stolen the membership of clean, functioning A. F. of L. unions), 
and I believe in the militant rise of labor to establish complete 
industrial democracy, which can best be done under industrial 
unionism. 

But I nevertheless believe that our international should maintain 
its present affiliation with the A. F. of L. Why? 

First, the idealistic argument. As the strongest Unity group in the 
A. F. of L. we must maintain and increase our effectiveness in the 
fight for unity. Today we have pretty general support from both the 
A. F. of L. and CIO. Oh, Cagey Willie doesn’t like us too well, but 
he doesn’t dominate local solidarity of A. F. of L. affiliates. Both 
groups, in the communities where we deserve it, have a good amount 
of respect for us. I believe labor in Utah is typical in that, despite 
some enmities between officials of the two groups, despite a few 
unjustifiable jurisdictional disputes, the rank-and-file sentiment is 
overwhelmingly pro-unity. We're also typical in that, though the 
CIO is larger, the A. F. of L. has a more intrenched membership, has 
been awakened in its organizing activities, and has its modicum of 
honest progressives. There is a basis, then, upon which we can build 
toward unity. 

But as an A. F. of L. apostate won’t our arguments with A. F. of L. 
groups for unity seem pretty hollow? The CIO will listen to us now, 
but would the A. F. of L. listen after a split? Could we attack the 
reactionaries in A. F. of L. conventions? Even if we pulled other 
internationals out with us, which we couldn’t, would this do anything 
but postpone honest-to-god unity of all unions, not of just the 
majority of organized membership? Organized labor in America 
will go down to defeat if some agreement—perhaps only temporarily 
a working agreement between two independent federations—is not 
found rapidly. Perhaps we hold more than our own mere choice of 
affiliation in the balance at this time. 

Now, the practical argument. If we get the A. F. of L. “agin” us, 
how will we,be able to influence elections or policies of school boards 
and legislatures? The CIO will support us now on these measures, 
even though the Non-Partisan League split has in many places made 
political unity of labor difficult. But perhaps, in the A. F. of L., we 
may be able to get their co-operation with the CIO on other political 
measures. 

WittuM W. TayLor 
Local 565, Salt Lake City 


26 


Other Views 


First, permit me to congratulate you on the excellent symposium on 
the CIO-A. F. of L. problem. Congratulations to the committee 
which produced the extraordinary report on this critical problem in 
the last issue of THE AMERICAN TEACHER. 

The teachers in Chicago appreciate the hard work and long hours 
spent by the committee in assembling the facts. Chicago’s teachers, 
now banded together in a powerful union, with more than 7800 
members realize the urgent necessity of labor unity. Having ironed 
out the last wrinkles of amalgamation, the union stands as a strong 
threat to any anti-labor moves in Chicago. It also stands for 
progressive trade union policies. ; 

However, Local 1 will be no stronger than the entire labor move- 
ment of the country. Teachers in Chicago are beginning to realize 
Labor’s power, and they desire a strong, closely-knit united labor 
group. 

For that reason they are most anxious for unity between the 
CIO and A. F. of L. 

The local picture is changing quickly—so is the national. We need 
the support of a strongly organized labor body to cope with our 
national needs, especially since President Roosevelt has recently called 
for $855,000,000 for education to wipe out old racial and sectional 
disputes. In turn, we owe it to Labor to stand by and demand unity. 

With CIO’s recent major victories in Chicago at the International 
Harvester Company, and the American Newspaper Guild’s triumph 
over Hearst, we are beginning to see a reawakening in Chicago’s labor 
movement. Nor can the minor CIO accomplishments throughout 
the city be tossed aside lightly. Nor can we forget that many white 
collar groups are organized under the banner of the CIO in the State, 
County, and Municipal Workers, the Federation of Architects, Engi- 
neers, Chemists, and Technicians, and Professional Workers. 

No doubt the above victories are due to the powerful platform 
of the CIO. Similar victories in Chicago’s mass industries will 
undoubtedly follow in the packing industry and steel. 

We cannot close our eyes to these developments. We must demand 
unity between the parent bodies and urge the recognition of the 
changing social scene along the industrial pattern. Furthermore. the 
original stand of the American Federation of Teachers, at its last 
convention, when it endorsed the principles of industrial unionism 
and favored a national convention for all unions—and its recent 
reiteration of this indorsement in Chicago by the Executive Board, 
as reported by Irvin Kuenzli in the last issue—must be maintained. 
As we continue to urge unity we must constantly press for the 
incorporation of these principles. 

In closing, may I stress the importance of the symposium and 
request that the editorial board pursue its policy of democratic 
enlightenment. 

Tosey F. SuBErt 
Local 1, Chicago 


The divisive effect of the over-simplified question, “Shall AFT 
change its labor affiliation from A. F. of L. to CIO?” is as inescapable 
as unfortunate. Let us rejoice in the sound judgment of our Executive 
Council in having refrained from calling such a referendum as must 
have sharpened antagonisms and tensions within the American labor 
movement, and that at the added cost of further obscuring the most 
important issue involved. 

Many if not most of us might demur, however, at the negativistic 
implications of a policy of nominally complete independence of, plus 
“moral affiliation with”, both and all national labor organizations. 
However positive the intent of proponents of such cooperative 
neutrality, we should ineluctably be branded as holier-than-thou 
isolationists in cloistered ivory towers. What we demand is, indeed, 
“a course answering to the realities” of the situation; cardinal among 
those realities is the need for unity in the American labor movement; 
and this primal need is keenly sensed throughout AFT ranks. 

Why should not the question be so submitted as to allow for 
expression of any of several combinations of opinion, in favor of any 


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of several possible AFT attitudes? Why not ask ourselves, among 
other questions, whether we would 

1. Endorse the principle of industrial unionism ? 

2. Endorse the principle of craft unionism? 

3. Confirm the protest of our 1937 Convention against “the 
undemocratic action of the Executive Council of the A. F. of L. in 
suspending unions affiliated to the CIO”? 

4. Affirm that industrial and craft unionism are so basically com- 
plementary that neither can fully thrive, or even long survive, without 
the other? 

5. Confirm the refusal of our 1937 Convention to pay the special 
tax proposed by the A. F. of L. to fight the CIO? 

6. Favor calling a national convention of all bona fide trade 
unions—A. F. of L., CIO, Railroad Brotherhoods, and genuine inde- 
pendent unions—for the purpose of unifying the whole American 
labor movement ? 

7. Seek regular affiliation with the CIO? 

8. Reaffirm our historic indebtedness and present continued alle- 
giance to the A. F. of L.? 

9. In case of CIO affiliation without sacrifice of A. F. of L. mem- 
bership, expressly engage to assume the double burden of regular 
minimum national dues of both A. F. of L. and CIO, until such time 
as an essential merger of the two may be effected ? 

10. Express utmost confidence in the loyal and able efforts of our 
present national officers to carry through any moves toward cement- 
ing the American labor movement that may be indicated by this 
referendum ? 

Such a tenfold analysis of the choice now before us would in theory 
allow for more than two thousand different patterns of total response, 
and in practice should provide channels for the natural coalescence 
and grouping of the main trends of opinion within our ranks. 

This voicing of the notion of one unemployed member is submitted 
in the hope of conceivably helping some one else to formulate, eluci- 
date, and propagate that eminently sensible and fruitful policy which, 
by definition, all of us hope to see pursued by the AFT. 


RoLanp GILBERT DAvipson 
New Haven, Conn. 


The issue of CIO or A. F. of L. affiliation presents two distinct 
problems to the members of the American Federation of Teachers. 
First, is industrial organization of teachers more effective than craft 
organization? Second, what effect would a change in affiliation at 
present have upon the unity of the AFT? 

1. Recent events establish industrial organization as more effective 
than craft organization in basic industries such as Steel. On the 
other hand, the continued jurisdictional disputes, the craft wars, 
and the prevalence of “racketeering” in craft unions attest a weakness 
more or less inherent in the form of craft organization. So, in 
general, industrial unionism seems to have proved a more reliable 
and effective form of organization in basic industries at least. 

In education, most leaders are becoming more and more convinced 
that the principle of separation, classification and compartmentaliza- 
tion has in it danger to a competent understanding of relationships. 
More specific—it is consistent with the foremost educational thought 
to consider teachers, janitors and office workers in a school as 
integral in the educative process, with joint responsibilities, and more 
effectively working together than in any way separated into crafts. 

Practically, a bargaining unit of all workers in education is more 
likely to achieve its stated ends than three separate bargaining units 
which, for example, permit a janitor’s union to ravage an education 
budget. 

The conclusion, then, is that industrial organization of teachers 
would be more effective than craft organization. 

2. But, if one admits the foregoing conclusion, he must still face 
the problem of “What effect at present would affiliation with the 
Committee for Industrial Organization have on unity within the 
ranks of organized teachers?” Obviously, many who do not under- 
stand the principle of Industrial Organization and who have been 
opinionated by the vested-interest press, radio and moving picture 
industry—these many would, in varying degrees, be horrified by 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 


affiliation with an organization that has been heralded, regardless of 
fact, as ruthless and rotten with misguided leadership. 

The danger in provoking these AFT members, even if they are 
few, is that they are the “individuals” and would organize a revolt 
against something they do not correctly understand, thereby threat- 
ening the organization with a “split” and, in turn, emphasizing the 
dissension within the ranks of labor that makes the pending decision 
of the AFT a momentous one. We have a responsibility to minimize 
that dispute between the A. F. of L. and CIO leadership. And it is 
possible for those of us who see clearly the demand in the present 
situation for industrial organization to work reasonably well in spite 
of the form of organization. 

But, on the other hand, if we accept industrial organization as 
the more effective form for teachers as well as other workers, we 
have a responsibility to work constantly for the realization of a 
united labor movement. 

And the question resolves into a problem with which a competent 
statistician could assist. Just how large is that minority which can 
be expected to revolt if the majority insists on a referendum? 
Beyond that, the decision depends on individual judgments between 
1. the danger in a revolt of the minority, and 2. the danger in trying 
to progress while laboring under a mistaken and outmoded form 
of organization. 

Rosert Wirtz 
Education Comm. 
Local 460 


As AFT members in New Jersey we are eager to present to other 
Teacher Union people a few of our problems, and our reaction to the 
A. F. of L.-CIO affiliation question. 

In New Jersey we feel ourselves, as individuals, peculiarly divided 
on this issue. By tradition, through our National, our affiliation has 
been of course with the A. F. of L. In a number of instances our 
fathers were and are A. F. of L. affiliates in their trade unions. 
On the other hand, work in our State consists chiefly of large-scale 
industry and our main support will naturally be found in an 
industrial type of union organization. 

In relation to ourselves, although some few of the A. F. of L. 
central bodies have rendered us a certain amount of support, we 
have found in the recent legislative session that our greatest assistance 
has come from Labor’s Non-Partisan League, which is not only 
largely CIO supported but also is definitely condemned by the 
National and state leadership of the A. F. of L. 

We are torn, then, between sentimental, traditional loyalty and 
our practical evaluation of what is being done for us today. Our 
common sense and knowledge of past events in labor history definitely 
indicate to us that to have to throw our lot with either group per se 
would not be the most desirable solution to AFT participation in the 
labor movement. We wish to go on record definitely and enthusi- 
astically as being in favor of affiliation with an entire, united, demo- 
cratic labor movement in the United States. We raise our voices 
to urge on the national, state, and local leadership of both the CIO 
and the A. F. of L., that they bend their efforts untiringly that this 
desirable aim of unity may be achieved. We care not from which 
group any or all of the officers in the organizational structure thereof 
may be drawn. We confidently place our trust in the eventual 
decisions of the mass of organized workers in our country. 

The technical differences and jurisdictional disputes, the geographi- 
cal divisions of such a unified labor movement, are of little concern 
to us. There is a larger matter on which we center our attention. 
A mere glance at the slogan of our own national organization indi- 
cates what is in our minds. 

Above everything else this new labor movement must be dominated 
by democratic principles, starting with the national leadership and 
filtering down into the smallest locals in the land. This must be the 
dominating factor. 

Perhaps in New Jersey we feel this need for democracy more 
keenly than in other states north of the Mason-Dixon Line. We do 
not wish to burden other members with our numerous woes. It will 
suffice to mention an instance or two. 

The Anti-Injunction League, formed in our state through the 


27 





acer 











cooperation of both CIO and A. F. of L. locals, was boycotted by 
the state A. F. of L. leadership. This same leadership went farther 
and withdrew A. F. of L. organizer’s papers from a prominent, vet- 
eran, respected A. F. of L. member in the state, because of his 
activity in said League. 

When one of our teachers’ locals requested an explanation of Louis 
P. Marciante, President of the S.F.L., as to why he appeared on the 
same platform with Mayor Hague of Jersey City at a red-baiting, 
anti-CIO, anti-civil liberties, anti-organizational meeting, Mr. Marci- 
ante’s only reply was to adopt Hague red-baiting tactics by accusing 
the local of communistic domination, ordering it to carry on a red- 
purge on pain of being summarily ousted from the Central Labor Body 
to which it was sending dues and delegates. 

These and many other illustrations merely go to show the need for 
greater democracy in our Jersey labor movement which we also lack 
in our state Constitution and legislative activity. As teachers we 
keenly realize that working through the Hague-Hoffman-Moore 
Democratic and Republican machines (or, better, machine), we can 
never accomplish decent educational standards and state aid for 
schools financed by taxes distributed according to ability to pay. We 
look hopefully to Labor’s Non-Partisan League and the Labor Party 
into which it will eventually develop as the only solution to our 
unbearable political dilemma. We want in that League and support- 
ing that Party not only middle-class people and farmers but every 
laboring man and every labor union in the state. This, it seems to us, 
is probably as desirable on a national as on a state scale. 

In concluding we repeat that the choice between A. F. of L. and 
CIO affiliation is not to our liking. We wish to be a part of a unified 
American labor movement, regardless of its name. 

Lots St. Joun SMITH 
Local 437 

CLARENCE SMITH 
Local 481 


It 5 Hayy 


Fascist Legislation 
in Quebec 

Earzy in April, incor- 
poration of unions—a fond 
dream of American reac- 
tionaries—became a law 
in Quebec Province, Can- 
ada. Beginning a few months ago with his infamous pad- 
lock law—the opening wedge—Premier Maurice Duplessis 
is now moving forward to a frontal attack on the rights of 
labor: the compulsory incorporation law is the third meas- 
ure of Duplessis which organized labor has opposed, and, 
ominously, the third to become a law. The Premier himself 
introduced the bill in the Legislative Assembly, but the 
opposition was vigorous, though the amendments conceded 
to labor will not hamper the effectiveness of this anti-labor 
weapon. *‘ 
The LaFollette Committee Reports 

Tue SENATE Civil Liberties Committee turned in its re- 


port to the Senate in April with a request for $60,000 to 
continue the work of the Committee and a warning that 


28 


There is no need to get het up over affiliation with the CIO. 
The matter, of course, requires careful study by the teachers of 
the past history of the AFL as well as of the CIO and modern in- 
dustrial practices. 

As the second phase of the Big Depression gathers headway, we 
shall undoubtedly find the two tendencies coming to an agreement 
and putting up a united front to capitalistic attempts to ham- 
string the schools. What we need is study and dispassionate dis- 
cussion of the anatomy of modern industrialism. 

As I see the CIO, it is an attempt of those most brutally ex- 
ploited to fashion a weapon adapted to the new technology in 
industry. The craft union served its day and still, within certain 
limitations, has its function. But what would we think of a 
union of English teachers, another of science teachers and another 
of mathematics teachers, etc.? The AFT is really an industrial 
union. It has no fight against the CIO. 

Industrial unionism is as necessary today in industry as mass pro- 
duction. As technology has advanced, skills and crafts have been 
absorbed or merged. Craft lines have become blurred. 

All labor is constructive and wealth-creative. Teaching is a use- 
ful, creative and socially necessary industry. It does not and cannot 
stand by itself. If other branches of labor are degraded, the teach- 
ing branch is dragged down with it. Our interests are with the 
wealth creators and not with the exploiters of labor. 

Along this line our teachers should study the excellent booklets 
put out by the League for Industrial Democracy at 112 E. 19th St., 
New York City, and also familiarize themselves with the actual 
workings of the CIO from its literature rather than from preju- 
diced sources. 

Henry FLury 
Local 8, Washington, D. C. 


eCnin g Now 


anti-labor activities by employer associations have become 
“a menace to democratic government”. The Committee re- 
ported that the favorite device that has been Geveloped by 
anti-labor employers to frustrate the Wagner Act is the 
Citizens Committee. The employers front which, as the 
Committee’s investigation of the Johnstown group demon- 
strated, has little of the public in it. An epidemic of missing 
records, doctored books, also seems to have followed upon 
the committee’s work. Some businesses now are not con- 
cerned about how to keep records but how to get rid of 
them. 


A Southern Congress of Negro Youth 

Tue Seconp Southern Negro Youth Congress opened in 
Chattanooga on April 1. All the speakers at the Congress 
brought forward the serious problems in agriculture, indus- 
try, and public health which the Negro people face today. 
J. Harvey Kerns, of the Division of Negro Welfare, Cincin- 
nati, O., who has long studied from experience the eco- 
nomic plight of Negroes in this country, told the Congress 
that five million Negroes are out of work at present, of 
whom 300,000 are youths—with very slim prospects of get- 


THE AMERICAN TEACHER 





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ting employment now. He also estimated that 75 per cent 
of employed Negroes are on unskilled work. These prob- 
lems of the Negro people, as no less an authority than Dr. 
Thomas B. Parran has emphasized, are problems which all 
the people, and their government must face. 


Peace Note 

A “Foo.proor” gas-bag has been 
developed in Great Britain for in- 
fants under two years who might 
not be able to manage with the 
ordinary mask. The new gas-bag 
«4. Covers the infant from head to foot 
= and has pumps which send air in 
a " through filters. In the face of the 
continued insistence of Tory diplomats that England wants 
nothing so much as peace, it seems the Tories desire to fool- 
proof everything against war except their own foreign 
policy. 


Politics 

SIDELIGHTs in the defeat of the Reorganization Bill—The 
pack which cried “Dictator” was led by those two famous 
lovers of democracy: William Randolph Hearst and Father 
Coughlin, both of whom urged a “Paul Revere” march on 
Washington to arouse slumbering Congressmen. . . . The 
New York “Reveres’” were organized and backed by men 
well-known in Wall Street. Especially active was Dr. 
Edward Rumely, convicted here during the World War as 
a German spy and now head of the Committee to Uphold 
the Constitution (for publisher Gannett of Rochester) .. . 
According to telegraph company officials $150,000 was spent 
on messages to Congress during the last two weeks of debate 
on the bill. Majority of these opposed the bill. Most of 
the big newspapers played up the sham dictator issue and 
took the defeat as being a “Waterloo” for President Roose- 
velt. At the same time the Gallup poll indicated strong 
support and probable victory for the New Deal in the 1938 
Congressional elections. 


eer NY «Nuts in the News 

In San Antonio, Texas, 
eight thousand women went 
out on strike. They were 
called “communists”, and the 
usual red scare was evoked by 
the city administration. The 
police gassed them seven times, unceremoniously hustled 
some of the leaders out of town, and at one time or another 
arrested close to one thousand strikers. However, a grand 
jury investigation showed that the strike was legal. The 
union, the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and 
Allied Workers, CIO, gained 6,500 members in one week. 

The women won. They were pecan-shellers who struck 
when their wages were cut from what was in many cases 
$2.20 a week to $1.65 a week. 





MAY-JUNE, 1938 





Civil Liberties Advanced 

OUTSTANDING among recent victories for civil liberties was 
Governor Herbert Lehman’s veto of one of the many bills 
sponsored by New York’s leading red-baiting legislator, 
Senator McNaboe—a bill that would bar persons known 
to have radical beliefs from civil service and teaching posi- 
tions in the State. Needless to say, the veto was a disap- 
pointment only to the individuals who are the leaders of the 
anti-democratic forces in New York State... . A flood of 
leaflets of all description swept over Jersey City soon after 
an old ordinance of Georgia prohibiting distribution of leaf- 
lets was ruled in the Supreme Court a violation of the con- 
stitutional guarantee of freedom of the press. At the same 
time, Mayor Hague obligingly acknowledged the purpose 
of his ban on leaflets by saying—‘‘My attitude toward the 
invasion of business or industry by outside groups is un- 
changed.” His legal staff is busily engaged now in finding 
some way to evade the decision of the Supreme Court. 


Buffalo Teachers 
Considered Too Prosperous 
AccorpDInc to the Buffalo Teach- 
er, organ of Local 377, Buffalo, New 
York, the wealthy president of the 
United Taxpayers League has of- 
fered certain interesting evidence 
to support his program for reduc- 
tion of teachers’ salaries: a. 19 
Buffalo teachers have been seen wearing fur coats; b. a 
certain teacher was observed buying a 35c magazine at a 
newsstand; c. another teacher is known to buy his girl friend 
steak dinners at a specified grille; d. still another teacher 
reputedly orders all kinds of expensive seeds for his 12’ x 
14’ garden. 


Jal 

CONFIDENCE on two fronts—earth and heaven—was fully 
revealed by Hitler’s “Apostle” No. 1, General Hermann 
Goering, when he took the stump in the pro-plebiscite cam- 
paign. “The German people will not vote 99%”, he said, 
“They will vote 100% ... Thou, God, art with us! God, 
we are free!” The Nazis do not scruple to use the results 
of the election as campaign material before the election takes 
place. Moreover, they insult the religious sentiments of 
German Protestants and Catholics by claiming the sanction 
of religion for their farcical plebiscite. 


A New Chapter Begins in Harlan County 

Tue Coat Lorps of Harlan County, Kentucky, and their 
feudal retinue of company-hired sheriffs and deputies are 
scheduled to come before Federal Courts in May for trial 
as the first criminal prosecution under the Wagner Act. 
The investigation of the Civil Liberties Committee of the 
Senate, followed by the Department of Justice, resulted in 
the indictment of 69 men. 


29 





The Teachers Union in Qction 





from LOCALS 


NEWS 





Labor Opposes Transfer of New Orleans Teacher 

Charging that the transfer of Miss Roberta Towles of 
Local 353, the New Orleans Classroom Teachers Associa- 
tion, was a part of the principal’s opposition to progressive 
teaching methods, the local has secured the support of the 
New Orleans Central Trades and Labor Council in a de- 
mand for a complete investigation of the transfer situation. 
Letters presenting these demands were addressed by the 
Labor Council to each member of the School Board. The 
superintendent of schools has promised that the matter will 
be taken up. A previous hearing adjourned in confusion 
when the School Board would not permit attorney for Miss 
Towles to question the principal as to why he had recom- 
mended transfer. 


Teachers Support District of Columbia Laundry Workers 

In petitioning the District of Columbia Minimum Wage 
Board to establish a minimum wage of $20 per week, the 
laundry workers had the assistance of members of the 
Howard Teachers Union, Local 440. A member of the local 
helped prepare the case for presentation and together with 
students of Howard University gave testimony as to condi- 
tions obtaining among this highly exploited class of workers. 
Ninety per cent of the workers are Negroes and the average 
wage is $11.00 per week. 


Hamilton County Court Recommends Salary Restoration 

Local 246, Chattanooga-Hamilton County, Tenn., has an- 
nounced that the County Court recently adopted a resolu- 
tion recommending that the school board restore all teachers 
to minimum salaries in their respective classes and that it 
include in the budget the second step of a five-step plan for 
resuming full salary schedule. 


Georgia Supreme Court Upholds Pension Law 

According to the Atlanta Teacher, organ of Local 89, a 
recent decision of the Georgia Supreme Court strengthens 
the general pension fund under which teachers retire. The 
finding protects teachers against any lowering of pension 
after retirement. 


No Summer Stoppage for WPA Teachers 

A notable victory for WPA teachers was won, from 
Washington, by the vigorous action of the WPA Local 453, 
New York. In the face of a threat to lay off WPA teachers 
during the summer, a delegation to Washington received 
personal assurance from administrator Aubrey Williams 
that no stoppage would take place this summer. He also 


30 


informed the teachers that the project estimate for the year 
beginning July 1, 1938, should soon be submitted. 


Snohomish County Teachers Support Boycott 

Local 476, Snohomish County, Washington, is actively 
supporting the boycott of Japanese made goods, having re- 
cently participated in a parade in Everett, organized to edu- 
cate public opinion as to the justice and effectiveness of 
the boycott. The Teachers Union featured the slogan “Books 
not Bullets”. 


Bellingham Union Hits Assessment 
for School Mimeographing 

Local 512, the Teachers Union of Bellingham, Washing- 
ton, is opposing the assessment of teachers for school mime- 
ographing work, suggesting that such charges be budgeted 
in the regular costs of instruction. . . . The Bellingham 
Central Labor Union and the Unity Council are consider- 
ing the endorsement of candidates for school director. . . 
The faculty of the State College of Education in Bellingham 
met with representatives of Local 401, University of Wash- 
ington, to discuss the union program with a view to joining 
Local 401 or setting up a new local on the campus. 


State Aid Funds Cut in Washington 

Both of the main sources of state income for the schools 
have been severely crippled, according to the Washington 
Teacher, organ of the Washington State Federation of 
Teachers. The per capita allocation of 25 cents per pupil 
per day has been reduced to 22.9 cents and the Equalization 
Fund, which Governor Martin originally intended to make 
available at the rate of $100,000 per month, has been en- 
tirely withdrawn. The State Department of Public Instruc- 
tion has started equalization payments as a temporary ex- 
pediency. Organized teachers, with the backing of organ- 
ized labor, are expected to lead progressive groups in a 
demand for continued support of the schools through a 
special session of the legislature and a bond issue, if such 
measures are necessary. 


Labor Asks Fair Treatment in Boston School Books 
Following a threat of textbook censorship on the part of 
Governor Hurley of Massachusetts, the Boston Central 
Labor Union adopted a resolution opposing censorship 
and calling for a revalution of school textbooks with 
the aim of presenting a more adequate and unbiased 
picture of the organized labor movement, and the 
position of working people in contemporary society. 
Overtures of the Central Labor Union have been well re- 
ceived by the Boston School Committee, which has invited 
the delegation of the labor body to confer with it in this 


THE AMERICAN TEACHER 





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matter. The Boston Federation of Teachers, Local 441, 
whose delegates introduced the textbook resolution, is com- 
pleting a research of the treatment of labor and social 
problems in the history textbooks most commonly used in 
the Boston schools. 


West Virginia Federation of Labor 
Adopts 22-Point Educational Program 


An extensive educational program was adopted at the 
March 11 meeting of the West Virginia State Federation 
of Labor. Among the twenty-two points of the program 
were the following: state tenure law; state retirement law; 
$150 per month minimum salary for teachers on twelve 
month basis; teacher representation on elective school 
boards; campaign against use of schools to spread propa- 
ganda for private enterprises; equal opportunity for chil- 
dren regardless of race, religion, social status, or political 
views; condemnation of Monongalia County School Board 
for dismissal of union teachers; academic freedom for 
teachers; unionization of teachers and other school employ- 
ees. . .. Local 382 announces passage by the Woods County 
Board of Education of a retirement plan endorsed and 
supported by the union. 


News Briefs from Ohio 


The Akron Board of Education has placed all first grade 
classes on half-time as an economy measure. This means 
that some teachers are required to teach 35 to 40 children 
in the morning and an equal group in the afternoon. At- 
tempts of the Akron Board of Education to dismiss 138 
teachers for reasons of economy met with the protests of 
Local 287. As the result of these protests and the protests of 
local labor the number of dismissals has been reduced to 36. 
Local 287 urges all locals to send protests. Local 279, 
Cleveland, while supporting an income tax to replace the 
present sales tax, has pointed out the necessity of insisting 
on full collection of the sales taxes, and the danger of 
repealing the sales tax before other provision is made for 
school funds. Local 334, Elyria, introduced a tenure amend- 
ment to the Ohio Education Association’s bill dealing with 
appointment of principals and teachers. The amendment 
was accepted, but the bill as a whole was tabled in the 
legislature. 


News Briefs from Philadelphia 


A series of radio broadcasts under the sponsorship of 
Local 192, Philadelphia, Pa., is being devoted to presenting 
the need for evening schools now threatened by the economy 
program of the Board of Education. 17,000 students face 
“destruction of all their hopes and aspirations if the evening 
schools are closed”. . . . Local 192 is also opposing attempts 
to increase the hours and curtail the vacation periods of 
school secretaries. . . . The local recently sponsored a two 
day ““Laymen’s Conference on Education” conducted from 
the people’s standpoint in language intelligible to them. 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 


News Briefs from New York 

The campaign of Local 5, New York City, in the case 
of August Gold, previously refused a license under condi- 
tions which appeared to involve gross discrimination, has 
come to successful conclusion. Mr. Gold has been granted 
a license. ... The Boro Hall Academy, an accredited private 
school, has renewed its agreement with the teachers union for 
another year. The new agreement includes pay increases as 
high as 20 per cent. . . . Courses in Trade Union Problems 
and the Activity Program have been conducted by Local 5 
and the Board of Education has granted credit toward their 
annual salary increase to teachers taking those courses. . . . 
At the call of the Hudson County, New Jersey local, the 
Arts Committee of Local 5 invaded Jersey City and per- 
formed a pro-labor, anti-Hague skit. The final line of the 
song informed Mayor Hague: “We wouldn’t touch you with 
a one foot, two foot . . . ten foot pole!” 


News Briefs from Chicago 


Local 1, the Chicago, Ill., Teachers Union, after a series 
of conferences between school authorities and labor repre- 
sentatives, has won the right to use school buildings for 
union meetings after school hours. A committee of Local 1 
is studying the scope of non-teaching duties which teachers 
often find so oppressive. On March 18 Dr. Floyd Reeves, 
chairman of President Roosevelt’s Advisory Committee on 
Education, addressing 3000 members of Local 1, stressed 
the need for bringing vocational training into closer rela- 
tionship with general education. Important speakers at the 
Union Study Class have been A. Philip Randolph, president 
of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, and Professor 
Howard McCluskey of the University of Michigan School 
of Education. 


North Shore Religious Leaders Discuss School Problems 

As the first step in a campaign to discover what the 
people in its area would like the schools to do, the North 
Shore Teachers Union, Local 460, has recently held an 
open meeting in Evanston, IIl., at which religious leaders 
of several denominations told what they believed the schools 
should be doing and what kind of people they would like 
to see coming from the schools. 


Teachers’ and Women's Groups Join Labor 
To Protest School Fingerprinting 

The Paterson Teachers Union, Local 482, together with 
the two units of the Progressive Women’s Council, repre- 
senting 200 parents, have joined the Central Labor Union 
of Passaic County; New Jersey, in protesting the practice of 
fingerprinting school children. The Labor body branded 
the practice of fingerprinting school children as an early 
move toward regimenting the population and expressed 
fears, based on past experiences, that the fingerprint files 
might be used as a blacklist of workers. 


31 





Inter-County Labor Wins School Board Posts 

Local 489, Inter-County, Washington (Pacific City, Au- 
burn, Federal Way, etc.) has announced that two members 
of the Railway Brotherhoods sympathetic towards the 
Teachers Union were recently elected to the school board. 
Earlier in the year Auburn railroad workers, on behalf of 
Local 489, obtained assurance from the school board that 
there would be no discrimination against union teachers. 


Labor Sponsors New Local in Harve 

More than 35% of the teachers of Harve, Montana, are 
charter members of Local 542, recently formed. Harve 
is a railroad division point and the organization meeting 
was sponsored jointly by the Harve Trades and Labor As- 
sembly, the Railway Brotherhood, and the Farmer-Labor 
Council of Hill County. 


Los Angeles School System Studies Internal Democracy 


A committee of Local 430, Los Angeles, Cal., is studying 
the problem of democracy in the Los Angeles School system 
in cooperation with a general committee, representative of 
all teacher groups and meeting in the Superintendent’s 
office. The union survey will locate instances of undemo- 
cratic procedures along with noteworthy examples of demo- 
cratic practices. 


Milwaukee Electric Company to Reduce School Rates 

A fight started two years ago by Local 252, the Milwau- 
kee, Wis., Federation of Teachers against high electricity 
rates charged the schools, achieved success recently when 
the Milwaukee Electric Company offered changes in rates 
to effect a saving of $10,000. Further savings of $50,000 
are anticipated in an engineering survey authorized by the 
School Board. The school board has been paying 2.9 cents 
per kilowatt hour, as against .78 cents paid by other city 
units. Likewise in Milwaukee a move to discharge teachers 
who marry during the probationary period before they are 
granted permanent tenure was defeated by a tie vote of 
the board of education. The ban proposal was opposed by 
locals of the AFT and other labor groups. 


Tenure for New York College Teachers 

Despite the decision of the New York Court of Appeals, 
which recently reversed the ruling of a lower court in con- 
nection with the Becker case and declared the college teach- 
ers tenure law unconstitutional, representatives of Local 537, 
College Teachers Union of New York, have been assured 
by the chairman of the Board of Higher Education, which 
governs New York’s municipal colleges, that tenure will be 
provided for the colleges through by-laws instead of state 
legislation and that this matter will be disposed of by the 
May meeting of the board. The draft of Local 537, which 
accords tenure to the instructional and non-instructional 
staff after a three year probational period, is to be used 
as the basis for the Board’s new tenure provision. 


32 


Michigan Federation of Labor 
Adopts Educational Program 

The Michigan Federation of Labor, meeting in Flint, 
recently adopted a six-point program on education. The 
program includes: strengthening of teacher tenure law; 
extending franchise in school elections to all citizens; repeal 
of loyalty oath law for teachers; more effective system of 
state supervision, incorporating in the law standards for 
teachers’ salaries, length of school terms, class size, type of 
curriculum; elimination of discrimination against groups 
in use of school buildings; revision of Michigan’s tax system. 


Palo Alto Teachers Endorse Medical Aid Program 

In a recent election campaign, the Palo Alto Teachers 
Union, Local 442, supported a bond issue for the Palo Alto 
hospital. The local has also endorsed efforts to provide 
medical services for rural districts. Under the sponsorship 
of Local 442 an investigation is being conducted to deter- 
mine the salaries and teaching load of assistants and acting 
instructors at Stanford University. 





Welcome to New Locals 


No. 558 Lehigh County, Pennsylvania Federation of 
Teachers 

No. 559 Denver, Colorado Adult Education Teachers 
Union 

No. 560 Association of Recreation and Education Leaders, 
Berks County, Pennsylvania 

No. 561 Federation of St. Cloud, Minnesota College 
Teachers 

No. 562 University of Colorado Local 

No. 563 Birmingham, Alabama Federation of Teachers 

No. 564 Dayton, Ohio Federation of Teachers 

No. 565 Salt Lake City, Utah Adult Teachers Union 

No. 566 Rochester, New York Teachers Federation 

No. 567 Pueblo County, Colorado Teachers Local 

No. 568 Fargo, North Dakota Teachers Union 

No. 569 Bogalusa, Louisiana Federation of Teachers 

No. 570 Scranton, Pennsylvania Federation of Teachers 


THE AMERICAN TEACHER 





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Labor Notes 


Double Standard 

As a result of investigations made by Mary Elizabeth 
Pidgeon, chief of the research division of the Women’s 
Bureau, U. S. Department of Labor, the injustice and the 
danger of double wage standards for men and women 
becomes more apparent. Miss Pidgeon in reports entitled 
“Differences in the Earnings of Men and Women” and 
“Women in the Economy of the United States of America”, 
gives a mass of wage data tabulated by sex, showing that 
no matter what the year, the locality, or the type of occu- 
pation, the level of women’s wages is much below that of 
men. The differentials have prevailed, according to the re- 
ports, for no more substantial reasons than tradition and 
lack of organization. ‘“‘Women’s lack of organization un- 
doubtedly forms a large factor in keeping their wages at 
low levels”, the report states, but “in many instances the 
payment of a low wage to women is a hangover from the 
traditional attitude that assigns a low money value to work 
thought of as ‘women’s work’. Even when women put forth 
as great exertion and contribute as greatly to the resultant 
product as do men, on the whole their pay envelopes con- 
tain amounts distressingly lower than those of their 
brothers.” 

Numerous instances are given. Women’s Bureau investi- 
gators found that women employed in men’s shirt and work- 
clothing factories in one state averaged only 26 cents an 
hour while men working as unskilled laborers on streets 
and sewers averaged 32 cents an hour. In another plant 
both men and women were paid on time rates for feeding 
machines which cut felt strips for blackboard erasers. The 
men’s earnings were 45 cents an hour, the women’s 35 cents. 
In general, women’s wages vary between 50 per cent and 
75 per cent of men’s, depending on the industry. 

The report concludes that “it is obvious that the low 
wages received by women produce a low standard of living 
for the women themselves and in many cases for their 
families, especially in those now very numerous cases in 
which wage-earning women support dependents and even en- 
tire families of considerable size. But the effects of this situa- 
tion is far more widespread than that, since it has a very def- 
inite tendency to depress wage standards in general for both 
sexes, extending and perpetuating the ills of poverty and 
dependency and placing a premium on the displacement of 
men and the hiring of women at reduced rates.” 

This exploitation and discrimination should be challenged 
by women everywhere. As long as the employer has access 
to a cheap labor market so long will he endeavor to take 
advantage of it at the expense of all workers. A solidly 
organized labor movement can prevent it. 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 


Labor in Politics 

Progressives and democratic thinkers have maintained 
that labor must unite for action in the political field, else 
the sweep of a governor’s pen can wipe out a gain made 
by labor in the economic field. Labor’s Non-Partisan 
League, the American Labor Party, the Farmer-Labor 
Party—these and like organizations have arisen to answer 
the growing need of labor for protection from sabotage by 
professional politicians and stooges. 

Nowhere has this political action been justified more 
clearly than in New Jersey. Here, at the behest of the 
Manufacturers’ Association, a bill was introduced which 
would have wiped out any union of public employees with 
Labor (including, of course, the AFT), and which would 
have prohibited almost any kind of labor activity, ranging 
from sit-down strikes, picketing, closed shop, to the use of 
outside national organizers. Latge fines and penitentiary 
terms were specified for any one attempting to disregard 
the terms of what was jocularly called this “Labor Relations 
Act”. A new and delicate wrinkle was introduced into this 
bill which would have made Hitler green with jealousy. 
The bill was to punish a “slow-down strike’”—that is, an 
employee’s working at a slower rate of speed than the em- 
ployer thought he should! 

Labor, disorganized, might have been helpless to prevent 
this fascist measure. Luckily, however, Labor’s Non-Par- 
tisan League in New Jersey was ready, and staunchly re- 
sisted attempts to pass this anti-labor concoction. Expe- 
rienced legislators have given their opinions privately that 
if labor had not been alert and organized, this bill would 
have gone through. And from there it would have been 
moved on to other states for ratification. ‘The enemy has 
been stopped on the eastern front!” 


What's in the N.A.M.? 

The LaFollette Civil Liberties Committee has unearthed 
records of tremendous value during its investigations. It 
has shown dramatically the huge network of labor spies, 
terrorists, and strike-breakers. One of its most recent 
exposés has been the role of the National Association of 
Manufacturers as a sort of executive committee in the fight 
against organization of labor. Despite the fact that the 
Committee has been handicapped by the deliberate destruc- 
tion of incriminating records, enough has been unearthed 
to show the tie-up between the N.A.M. and the firms which 
produce tear gas, finks, and other savory products. It is 
only fitting that now the anti-Roosevelt forces in Congress 
should join in a holy crusade to cut appropriations for this 
very valuable investigation. Economy! 


33 





Among the New Books 


Since a great many important books have appeared recently, it has 
seemed desirable to call to the attention of our readers more than we 
ordinarily have room for in these columns. This has necessitated 
briefer mention of good things than our reviewers would like. B. G. 


The Family in Historical Setting 


THE FAMILY: PAST AND PRESENT, edited by Bernuarp J. 

Stern. D. Appleton-Century Co. 461 pages. $2.75. 

The Progressive Education Association and Dr. Stern are to be 
congratulated on one of the few compilations on the family which 
approaches adequacy. Though primarily a source book for college 
use in the changing forms and environment of the family, this work 
on the whole is highly readable and eminently suitable for the intelli- 
gent layman. The material of this book covers the following fields: 
primitive societies; the ancient and medieval family; Chinese and 
Islamic family life; the renaissance and reformation; modern indus- 
trial European family life; American backgrounds; the contemporary 
American scene; industrial life; the farm; depression influences; the 
increasing life span; sex problems; and the building of personality 
in the modern family. Dr. Stern’s sound scholarship and catholicity 
of interests combine to produce this excellent work. Some of the 
most effective passages are these on income and economic progress, 
housing, child labor, rural life, and the depression. Equally valuable, 
albeit unusual, is the inclusion of excellent material from the field 
of modern fiction. Two pictorial sections and a dozen pictorial 
graphs dealing with contemporary American conditions add consider- 
ably to the value of the book, as does a good index. 

WruuM P. Tucker 
State Librarian 
Olympia, Wash. 





New Stories of the Negro People 


UNCLE TOM’S CHILDREN, by Ricuarp Wricut. Harper & Co. 
$2.50. 

In these four prize-winning novellas, which were awarded the 
Harper-Story Magazine prize for the best manuscript submitted by 
a WPA writer, the author achieves new heights and establishes an 
unforgettable landmark in American fiction. For their drive, their 
burning message and their style, these stories will echo through our 
times as splendid examples of the artist who is so much in accord 
with his environment that he can write about it with such pains- 
taking reality. Wright tells of the Negro people, a people he knows 
and loves, who are learning now that “freedom belongs to the 
strong”. These stories will so tear your heart and carve themselves 
into your marfow that there will arise a determination to do some- 
thing about a hell that enslaves millions of human beings. If the 
essence of high writing displays the ability to translate and to trans- 
mute the living that men do, then Richard Wright has won for 
himself a deserved niche in American literature. 


Evcene C. Ho_mes 
Howard University 





The Greeks in Modern Idiom 


THREE GREEK PLAYS, by Evitu Hamitton. W. W. Norton & 

Co. 239 pages. $2.50. 

Because Edith Hamilton believes that the Greek plays should be 
translated anew in each generation to keep alive as much as is com- 
municable of their unsurpassed greatness, she has created this brilliant 
book. The Trojan Women of Euripides, the Prometheus Bound and 
the Agamemnon of Aeschylus live again in her modern idiom, and 
they live not only because these Athenians of the Fifth Century B.C. 
left a poetic drama as great as any the world has ever known, but 
because in symbol and reality they have important things to say to 
an age like ours, an age in which many a rebel benefactor of man- 
kind is tortured, like Prometheus, by the tyrant; and many a woman 
learns, like Hecuba, the sorrow that war brings to her sex—the 
murder of sons, the destruction of homes; and many a man perceives, 
like the Chorus in Agamemnon, the futility of “war who trades/men 
for gold/life for death/holding scales/where the spear-points meet 
and clash . . .” The spirited poetry of Miss Hamilton’s translation 
has already shown itself at home on the modern stage as well as in 
the study. In addition, she has provided the book with illuminating 
prefaces on translating, on meters, on the psychology of the charac- 
ters and on the modern meanings of the plays. 

Borts GAMZUE 
New York University 


Of Human Lives 


HEREDITY AND POLITICS, by J. B. S. 

W. W. Norton & Co. $2.50. 

This book turns the clarifying spotlight of a sound knowledge of 
human biology upon many of the confusions resulting from the 
application of conventional eugenics to political problems. The 
author, an acknowledged authority on human genetics, in a manner 
“as popular as possible without sacrificing truth to simplicity” 
cogently proves that such eugenical doctrines as “the unfit should 
be sterilized,” “certain classes are congenitally superior to others, 
and ... it is desirable that the superior classes should reproduce 
more rapidly”, and “certain races are congenitally superior to others”, 
cannot be scientifically supported, and that they are in general “the 
somewhat unscientific application of prejudices, whether racial or 
class prejudices.” Since these pseudo-scientific theories bolster fright- 
ful political acts such as the Nazi persecution of Jews, and the 
bombing of regions where population is densest and poorest (and 
hence, Major Eric Sachsland of the German Air Force would say, 
“eugenically undesirable”), Professor Haldane, by confuting such 
doctrines, has rendered a deep service to those engaged in the struggle 
against fascist aggression and obscurantism. Heredity and Politics 
should be on the desk of every one who has the fate of democracy 
at heart. 


HALpANE, F.R.B. 


THE FIGHT FOR LIFE, by Paut pe Kruir. Harcourt, Brace & 

Company. 342 pages. $3.00. 

In his earlier books Dr. de Kruif demonstrated a lively capacity for 
dramatizing the work of individual investigators in the biological 
and medical sciences. In The Fight for Life, as in his previous 
volume, Why Keep Them Alive?, Dr. de Kruif’s humanization of 
science becomes primarily concerned with the social diffusion of the 
fruits of research. And he has learned the bitter lesson that a maze of 
economic barriers prevents the widespread application of medical 
discoveries to human betterment. The Fight for Life describes the 
brave attempts to overcome this frustration in the saving of life in 
childbirth, in the struggle to prevent pellagra, in the curbing of 
infantile paralysis, and in a number of other human afflictions. In 
great measure this volume is a call to battle. Says Dr. de Kruif: 


THE AMERICAN TEACHER 


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“Nor do the people own the science of those now dedicated to fight 
for the lives of all. Yet this new adventure upon which our fighters 
for life are now embarking must be democratic to the limit. It is the 
people’s death fight or it is nothing. And, before the struggle can be 
engaged, the whole people must be told of it. . . . Having felt it, 
the people will then fight for the right of their searchers to use science 
to give mankind the right to live.” 

Dr. ALEXANDER SANDOW 

New York University 


A Forum on Education and Democracy 
EDUCATIONAL FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY, The Second 

Yearbook of the John Dewey Society. Harotp B. Atperty and 

Boyp H. Bone, Co-chairmen. D. Appleton-Century Co., Inc. 292 

pages. $2.25. 

The exorcism of our personal devils of academic repression is one 
of the major values received through the reading of this volume. The 
authors make a comprehensive, incisive and temperate contribution. 
We are brought face to face with the fact, unwelcome perhaps to our 
more zealous campaigners for freedom, that our enemy is the mores, 
the ways of the human mind, the inadequacies of the conceptions and 
practices of our as yet incomplete social democracy. First, say the 
authors in effect, we must understand ourselves and our contemporary 
culture; then only can we wisely plan and execute our policy for safe- 
guarding and promoting the rights of our pupils and of our rather 
stupid public and of ourselves which alone justify freedom of inquiry. 
Much of the explanation and interpretation in this volume is not 
new. Nevertheless, the subject of academic freedom is of such trans- 
cendent significance that the definitive volume is of very great 
importance. Exceptions may, of course, be taken to some of the 
explanations and recommendations of one or another of the authors. 
More frequent than the disagreements, however, are the irrefutable 
justifications for open inquiry and tolerance on the bases of examples 
and insights that are relatively new to the reader. 

Pur W. L. Cox 
New York University 


A Rich Source Book for Those Who Guide American 
Young People 
YOUTH EDUCATION TODAY. Sixteenth Yearbook of the Ameri- 
can Association of School Administrators, National Education 

Association. Washington, D. C., 1938. 509 pages. $2.00. 

The Commission on Youth Problems of the American Association 
of School Administrators should be congratulated upon its splendid 
contribution of Youth Education Today. Here is a book that is 
realistic, sound, and constructive. The titles of some of its chapters 
give a clue to its comprehensive survey of the field: the Dynamic and 
Life-Centered Curriculum; Creative Citizenship; the Adjustment 
and Guidance of Pupils in the Regular Day Schools; The School’s 
Responsibility for the Adjustment and Guidance of Out-of-School 
Youth; Unifying and Coordinating the Influences Affecting Youth. 
Its appendix includes: Text of Suggested Law for Community 
Centers; National, Private and Governmental Organizations with 
Leisure-Time Services for Youth; Guidance Services; and Youth 
Serving Organization Activities. This book is a challenge to action 
on the part of high school teachers and administrators. Armed with 
such books as Youth Education Today, representatives of educa- 
tional associations, youth organizations, welfare groups, government 
agencies, medical and dental groups, psychologists’ organizations, and 
the like might assemble to draw up a comprehensive program for 
our nation’s 6,000,000 young people. The call for such a conference 
might be: “We have the facts about America’s youth problem. 
Now let’s do something about it!” 


James E. MENDENHALL 
The Lincoln School 
Teachers College 
Columbia University 





MAY-JUNE, 1938 





Brief Reviews 


SPY OVERHEAD, by Cimncu Cacxtins. Harcourt Brace & Co. 

363 pages. $2.50. 

Miss Calkins was on the staff of the LaFollette Civil Liberties 
Committee when it was probing into the labor spy racket. She has 
made excellent use of her great opportunity. Her summary of the 
two and a half million words of testimony concerning the efforts of 
our industrialists to smash unionism, is interwoven with documentary 
evidence out of the mouths and files of the spies themselves, 
the agency heads, and the captains of industry who wanted the job 
done and paid handsomely for it. It is a shocking tale which should 
be told again and again by teachers of social science. Not as well 
written as Some Folks Won’t Work by the same author, it is, never- 
theless, an extremely useful book which should be read and discussed 
by every socially-minded person. Lae Wieasunesie 
YOU CAN’T DO THAT, by Georce Serves. Modern Age Books. 

307 pages. 50c. 

Another indispensable book for the alert and liberal teacher, pub- 
lished by Modern Age Books. An arsenal of facts overlooked by the 
hasty reader of our newspapers. Examples of police disrespect for 
law and order, of corporations that defy the government, of the 
political lobbying of munition makers, and most illuminating dis- 
closures of the half-truths, the suppression of facts, the editorializing 
which passes as “objective journalism” with few exceptions among 
our newspapers. The book is a tonic. Its brief, bright style sweeps 
us out of our lethargy and our ignorance, and reminds us of the other 
side of the American story which is seldom realized, but must be faced 
if education for democracy is to endure. 

Epwin Berry BurGUM 


THE DAY’S WORK, by Oscar Brynes. Harcourt Brace. 79 pages. 
$1.25. 

This narrative poem about the Great Armored-Car Robbery is 
exciting reading and, on the whole, good poetry. Without ever 
indulging in propaganda, without ever stepping out of his characters, 
this poet makes dramatically clear the roots of such crimes as this in 
social injustice. The result is realistic, strong-sinewed free verse. 

Epa Lov WALTON 


FIVE YEARS OF HITLER edited by M. B. ScHNApPER. American 
Council on Public Affairs, 20 Vesey St., NN. Y.C. 46 pages. 


YOUTH BETRAYED by M. B. Scunapper. Introduction by Ivse 

TRAUMAN. International Relief Association. 63 pages. 

In six short essays, Five Years of Hitler describes the thoroughness 
with which the German people are being regimented for the realization 
of Nazi expansionist aims. Hitler himself is the tool of the big indus- 
triects (Frederick Schuman: History of a Lie). It is in the interests 
of ..ese that free trade unions have been abolished (Robert Brady: 
Labor); that religious freedom has been curbed (Henry Smith 
Leiper: Religion); that women have been relegated to the role of 
providing soldiers for the army (Dr. Alice Hamilton: Women in 
Harness) ; that the celebrated “Lehrfreiheit” of former Germany has 
been swept away ; and that racism and the principle of blind obedience 
to the Fiihrer have been made the basic and permeating principles of 
all education (Charles Beard: Regimentation of Education); and 
that Germany is now an armed camp, a menace to world peace and to 
democracy everywhere (H. C. Engelbrecht: A Nation in Arms). 
Mr. Schnapper'’s essay amplifies this picture with a detailed account 
of Nazi educational methods in schools, colleges and labor camps, 
reveals the sham of Hitler’s “solution” of the unemployment problem, 
and ends with a list of martyred youth, victims of Nazi terrorism. 
Together, these two pamphlets offer an evaluation of the results of 
five years of Hitler's rule. Dr. Moses RATNER 


35 





LET FREEDOM RING, by Artuur Garrietp Hays. Liveright 

Publishing Corporation. Revised edition. 475 pages. 

The test of civil rights, Mr. Hays reminds us, with examples brought 
up to 1937, is whether the weakest person may use them in behalf of 
unpopular causes in times of great emotional stress. These rights have 
been won by unceasing struggle for them, which is indeed the method 
that Hays advocates and the only possible method. For, he concludes, 
“protest at the slightest infringement, a capacity for indignation, cour- 
age, faith in democratic processes, vigilance, are necessary if we are 
to maintain liberty.” Jor. Seman 


THE COMMUNITY SCHOOL, by Samuer Everett and Others. 

D. Appleton-Century Co. 473 pp. $2.25. 

Education for “practical” democracy now is the thesis of this 
volume. A group of educators from various parts of the United 
States have brought together vivid descriptions of community 
schools at work in rural districts, city slums and suburban towns. 
Dramatic episodes unfold the story of cooperative enterprises where 
children, youths and adults have united their efforts for common 
interests. The records of schools for Indians, Negroes, mountain- 
eers, plantation workers, and immigrant populations reveal the 
breadth of problems to be dealt with in American education. 


& 

MIND IN TRANSITION. Patterns, Conflicts and Changes in the 
Evolution of the Mind. By Joseru K. Hart. Covici-Friede. 412 
pages. $3.50. 

Changes in human nature, thought and behavior are sketched in 
bold outlines by a sociologist looking back through history. He is 
eager to rouse moderns for vigorous participation in the present race 
between intelligent action and social disaster, since “Mind must 
change as it moves and acts. ‘Learning’ is achieving citizenship in 
the world of change!” BeryL PARKER 


NIGHT AT HOGWALLOW, by Tueopore Srrauss. Little, Brown 
and Company, Boston. 174 pages. $1.25. 

In this prize-winning novelette the author shows the deeper 
implications of southern mob behavior by placing it in the context 
of southern mores and the social and political organization of the 
small southern town, where the seeds of an American brand of 
fascism are found. Aside from being a dramatic and moving piece 
of fiction, which captures the reader from the outset, this story may 
be read with profit by those who seek an understanding of the com- 
plexity of the problems involving race and labor in small southern 
towns. E. FRANKLIN Frazier 


LEARNING IN LEISURE: The What and Why of Adult Educa- 
tion. Educational Materials Project, Department of Education, 
St. Paul, Minn. 85 pages. 

This pamphlet is a well documented survey of the place and 
function of adult education in American life. Those in charge of 
the work in Minnesota are fully aware of the usefulness of an 
adequate program in adult education for broad social and demo- 
cratic ends. The raison d’etre of adult education has seldom if ever 
been more comprehensively or clearly put. WarrEN Bower 


CHINA REBORN. 155 E. 44th St., 


PHOTO-HISTORY, NO. 4: 

N.Y. 64 pages. 25c. 

The latest issue of Photo-History is another fascinating study of 
a vital center of world interest. China Reborn is a dramatic pictorial 
analysis of four thousand years of China’s history and its meaning 
for 1938. Its skill in combining splendid photography with the 
concise objective comments and illustrative charts is a triumph of 
modern pedagogy which has already been of use to many teachers. 

5 « 
THE RIVER (“A Nationat Drama tn Pictures anp Sounpb”’), by 

Pare Lorentz. Stackpole Sons. $2.00. 

As a motion picture The River is probably the finest documentary 
film ever produced, and a tribute to the high artistic standards of 
that progressive Federal bureau, the Farm Security Administration. 
In book form, it is a permanent record of the most striking scenes 


36 


from the movie and of the excellent utilitarian text with its poetic 
overtones that Pare Lorentz provided for the sound track of his film. 
CONSUMERS UNION REPORTS. 

Inc., 55 Vandam St., N. Y. C. 

These reports of Consumers Union are a much needed guide through 
the welter of misleading advertising, worthless and dangerous prod- 
ucts and business trickery that face every consumer every day. The 
work of this non-profit organization, directed by a distinguished 
board, is enabling its subscribers to buy safely and intelligently and 
to save many times the very small subscription cost. 

Boris GAMZUE 


Consumers Union of U. S., 


Translated 
Houghton 


COUNTER-ATTACK IN SPAIN, by Ramon SENDER. 
from the Spanish by Sir Peter Chalmers Mitchell. 
Mifflin Co. 288 pages. $3.00. 

This book is terrifying in its beauty and beautiful in its sublime 
hatred, for Ramon Sender—as happens to only few in a century— 
has ceased to be an individual observer who merely tells what he has 
seen and experienced in the Spanish war of independence. His voice 
has become the voice of all Spain; a voice of agony, courage, decency, 
of the determination and greatness of a whole people. In an entirely 
new style, which Sir Peter Chalmers Mitchell renders so well that 
it has lost not even its physical value in the English translation, 
Sender completely surrounds the readers with the intense atmosphere 
of a new life of solidarity arisen from the simple resolution of a people 
to defend their soil from the power-crazed fascist invaders. The 
simple but profoundly moving narrative of events on the front and 
behind the lines reveals the growing spirit of the Spanish people, who, 
in spite of inferiority in arms and many defeats must win because 
their fight is the fight of human decency and love against the armed 
forces of beastly brutality. FRANCINE BRADLEY 


Additional Recent Books of ne Interest to Progressive 
Teachers 

RECONSTRUCTION: THE BATTLE 
James S. ALLEN. International. 

THE POLITICOS. Matruew Josepuson. Harcourt, Brace. 

MAN’S COURAGE. JosepuH Vocer. Knopf. 

THE LARGER VIEW. Benjamin Kaverin. Stackpole. 

SAVAGE SYMPHONY. Eva Lips. Random House. 

I LIKE AMERICA. Granvitte Hicxs. Modern Age. 

FONTAMARA. Icnazio Strong. Modern Age (35c Reprint). 

LAND OF THE FREE. Arcurpatp McLeisx. Harcourt. 

VOLUNTEER IN SPAIN. Joun SommMerrFietp. Knopf. 

LIFE AND DEATH OF A SPANISH TOWN. EX tior Pavt. 
Random House. 

FIRST ACT IN CHINA. James M. Bertram. Viking. 

THE PLOUGH AND THE SWORD: LABOR, LAND AND 
PROPERTY IN FASCIST ITALY. Cart T. Scumipt. Columba 
U. Press. 

LABOR CZARS. Harotp Semman. Liveright. 

POST-WAR HISTORY OF THE BRITISH WORKING CLASS. 
Aten Hutt. Coward-McCann. 

SOCIALIZED MEDICINE IN THE SOVIET UNION. Henry E. 
Sicerist. W. W. Norton. 

A PHILOSOPHY FOR A MODERN MAN, by H. Levy. Knepf. 

ON THE ECONOMIC THEORY OF SOCIALISM. Lance and 
Taytor. U. of Minn. Press. 

ASCARIS, THE BIOLOGIST’S STORY OF LIFE. Dr. Ricuarp 
Go.tpscumipt. Prentice-Hall. 

MATHEMATICS FOR THE 
W. W. Norton. 

THE EVOLUTION OF PHYSICS. Atrsert Ernste1n anv Leopowp 
INFIELD. Simon and Schuster. 

THE FIGHT TO LIVE. Raymonp L. Ditmars. 
Stokes. 

TRAINING IN DEMOCRACY: THE NEW SCHOOLS OF 
CZECHOSLOVAKIA, by Francis H. Stuerm. Inor. 
FIT TO TEACH. Yearsoox, CLassroom Teacuers, NEA. 

RIGHT TO WORK. Nis Anperson. Modern Age. 

THE OCEAN HIGHWAY. Feperat Writers Project, 
Modern Age. 

LABOR’S NEW MILLIONS. Mary Heaton Vorse. Modern Age. 


FOR DEMOCRACY. 


MILLION. Lancetor Hocsen. 


Frederick A. 


WPA. 


THE AMERICAN TEACHER 





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Correspondence 


A Double Barreled Labor Policy 
To the Editors: 


There are two things which the American people must do to raise 
their standard of living. They must increase production and they 
must increase their purchasing power enough to buy the increased 
product. 

What is true of the American people as a whole is true of American 
labor, especially if we conceive of labor as all the people who work 
for a living, skilled and unskilled. A drive towards increased 
production combined with the drive for increased purchasing power 
should be the double barreled policy of labor. 

To receive increased production without increased purchasing 
power is futile. Goods pile up on the shclves, unemployment 
increases, depressions are just around the corner. To secure increased 
purchasing power without increased production is equally futile. 
We merely have the privilege of paying more money without getting 
any more goods. 

The only time that 'abor can appreciably improve its condition 
by getting higher wages is when production is increasing about as 
fast as wages. Conversely the only time that we can appreciably 
improve our condition by increasing production is when wages are 
increasing about as fast as production. (Falling prices, of course, 
are equivalent to a general increase in wages.) 

To put it negatively, higher wages are useless to us unless accom- 
panied by or followed by increased production; increased production 
is useless unless accompanied by or followed by an increase in wages 
or by lower prices. 

It seems to labor’s advantage, therefore, to put up just as big a 
fight for increased production as it does for higher wages. This 
labor has never done. It has worked intelligently for increased 
purchasing power. It has never gone before the country with a 
clear-cut program for stimulating production or for holding produc- 
tion at a high level when it got there. 

We believe that some such program as the following would be of 
greater benefit to labor than the traditional fight which increased 
wages and improved working conditions but did little to increase 
production. 

1. Educate our membership and the public in general to see that 
the economic welfare of all the people who work for a living depends, 
first, upon a constantly increasing supply of goods and services, and 
secondly upon the ability, through lower prices or higher wages, to 
purchase the goods produced. 

2. Formulate a legislative program designed first to “increase pro- 
duction up to the limit of consumer needs” and secondly to enable 
the working people to purchase what they produce. Secure the sup- 
port of the public for such a program by showing them that their 
welfare depends upon it. 

3. Use the influence of labor organizations in every plant in 
America to see that the management maintains a maximum produc- 
tion schedule. Judicious advertising of its failure to do so to a public 
educated to oppose curtailing production would bring positive results. 
A threatened strike to secure maintenance of production would have 
public support because the public in the long run stands to gain by it. 

4. Get labor, consumer, and public to insist that the purchasing 
power of labor’s wages and the farmer’s prices shall be sufficient to 
buy their share of the increased national product, by showing them 
that continued failure in purchasing power of any of these major 
groups means a depression which affects farmer, labor and 
public alike. 

5. Let labor continue to see that the hours and working condi- 
tions are such that he has health and leisure enough to enjoy the 
extra things that he has thus been able to produce and purchase. 


A. S. Hancock 
Local 437 
Trenton, N. J. 


MAY-JUNE, 1938 


Taking Issue 
To the Editors: 

I have read with great interest Bernard Forer’s “When a Law is 
not a Law” in your January-February issue. It seems to me that 
the writer’s attitude is extremely one-sided, even bitter, and I cannot 
believe it is representative of the majority of teachers in this state. 
I have a daughter who is a teacher (not in N. J.) and was myself 
a member of the Board of Education in this borough for some years; 
hence my interest in the subject matter. 


Most towns and municipalities fully respect the tenure law. 
Specifically Mr. Forer cites Jersey City, Atlantic City and Trenton 
I will put up no defense for “Haguetown” in this or any other par- 
ticular. Atlantic City typifies the near-bankrupt communities where 
citizens, represented by Boards of Education, should be sympathized 
with in their efforts to keep down taxes by any equitable means 
within the law. As to Trenton, Mr. Forer’s own bailiwick, he is no 
doubt an expert witness. However, to call the City Council 
“notorious stooges” goes a bit far. The Council represents the entire 
electorate of the city, and banking and business interests are generally 
minority interests just now. The remedy suggests itself. 

I see nothing unfair in the conditions stated in his paragraph I, 
although his choice of words might be criticised. 

As to paragraph II, surely Mr. Forer would not have a teacher 
continue because of tenure if he or she were, for example, virulently 
syphilitic or leprous.’ In that case, the teacher would not be “fired” 
but quietly asked to resign. It is ridiculous to assume that any 
Board would “fire” a teacher for “dandruff or athletes’ foot’. 
If Mr. Forer intends to be humorous, he is equally open to criticism. 


Regarding “voluntary” pay cuts in this, as in other towns where 
many taxpayers’ incomes had been reduced from 25% to 100% and 
whose taxes continued often at higher rates, teachers readily and 
cheerfully acquiesced. Here, salaries have been fully restored. 

The tail-piece cartoon is also offensive. To put it mildly, it is 
hackneyed at best. The average citizen taxpayer who might be 
portrayed thin and ragged, is conspicuous by his absence. 

Quite recently, I have read that the test case in Trenton referred 
to by Mr. Forer, has been decided, presumably justly, in favor of the 
teachers. This seems to show that a law is a law in New Jersey. 


FREDERICK E. STANTON 


Mr. Forer Replies 
To the Editors: 

Mr. Stanton has objected to my writing as being “one-sided”, and 
I will admit cheerfully that it probably was. However, I wrote the 
article from the viewpoint of the classroom teacher as opposed to 
the dictates of the machine politicians and corporation interests in 
New Jersey. The fact of the matter is that the tenure law is being 
violated, especially in the rural districts, and that the example of 
Frank Hague is being followed in a large number of the cities. 
I invite Mr. Stanton to check up on the number of tenure teachers 
in South Jersey. 

As for Atlantic City, Mr. Stanton claims that “near-bankrupt com- 
munities . . . should be sympathized with in their efforts to keep 
down taxes by any equitable means within the law.” That is just 
the point. Cutting salaries in violation of the tenure statute is not 
the law. There are other legal means for helping such distressed 
cities, overhauling New Jersey’s antiquated and unjust taxing 
system, for instance. Teachers cannot and should not support an 
entire community through a depression; an illegal salary cut is simply 
an especial income tax levied on a narrow group. 

Certainly no teaching group could object to the dismissal of a 
teacher “virulently syphilitic’. However, as Mr. Stanton himself 
suggests, a special statute is not necessary. A hint to resign would 


37 








be all that would be necessary. The “dandruff law” to which I 
referred was worded so vaguely and would have been such a potent 
weapon in the hands of certain school boards, that a militant teacher 
could have been dismissed easily. 

As to the test case in Trenton, which has received two favorable 
decisions thus far, this seems to be another case in point. The law 
became the law only when an aggressive group in the Teachers’ 
Union fought hard, refused to be intimidated, and started legal 
action. Even then the progressive teachers behind the move have 
been harassed, and at the present writing almost unbelievable pres- 
sure is being applied upon us all. The City Council is pushing the 
Mayor-appointed Board of Education, the Board has given the 
Superintendent his orders, the principals have been called into an 
extraordinary number of sessions, the teachers have been herded into 
meetings, and company union leaders have been launched on a 
tremendous campaign of falsification and rumor-mongering. The 
Board is demanding that an armistice be declared—without payment 
of back salary due! Teachers are being talked to by their principals, 
and the seeds of confusion and panic are being sown. It is the 
Jersey City influence. Luckily there is a Union here, and we are 
working to combat the propaganda. We are standing on our legal 
rights. When we get a writ of mandamus from the Supreme Court 
of New Jersey, the tenure law will actually mean something. 

BERNARD FoRER 


On the “College Newsletter" 

To the Editors: 

The New York College Teachers Union has learned that there are 
a number of persons who have expressed the desire to subscribe to 
the “College Newsletter”, fortnightly publication of our Union. Can 
you, therefore, please arrange to have an announcement published in 
the next issue of THe AMERICAN TEACHER, advising readers that 
Local 537 will be pleased to send issues to persons outside the juris- 
diction of Local 537, for the sum of $1.00 per year, which just 
about covers cost of mailing? Subscriptions may be sent direct to 
our office, 235 Fourth Avenue, New York. 

ARNOLD SHUKOTOFF 


On AFT Policy 
To the Editors: 

The minutes of February 27 and again of March 13 indicate that 
the committee is discussing the possibility of including articles on 
both sides of the collective security question; that is, one article for 
isolation and one for collective security, with an appropriate editorial 
comment explaining that teachers are divided on this question. 

In my opinion the proper procedure is to point out in an editorial 
note that although teachers may be divided, the convention went 
unanimously on record for the invocation of the Kellogg-Briand Pact 
calling for the outlawing of war, the creation of collective pacts and 
the definition and punishment of an aggressor nation (p. 49, Con- 
vention Proceedings). 

Even Mr. Beagle’s amendment is contrary in spirit to an isolationist 
position, for it distinctly calls upon the labor movement internation- 
ally to cooperate against fascism and against imperialist war and 
against fascist aggression in Spain in particular. 

The columns of THe American TEACHER are open to teachers who 
desire to write in expressions of difference with editorial policies 
or articles included in the magazine. But I see no reason for the 
committee to take what amounts to an impartial position, neither 
for collective security or against it, when the convention distinctly 
expressed itself on the very central points involved in what has 
since come to be called “collective security”. How can the magazine 
refrain from taking up the cudgels for collective security? Why 
should the committee yield to Seidman to the extent of giving equal 
play and equa’l emphasis to the isolationist position, when the con- 
vention is on record for collective security ? 

The purpose of the magazine is not to give space for the personal 
opinions of any member of the Editorial Committee (except as any 
union teacher is entitled to space), but to interpret events, elucidate 
complex problems, in the light of the policies and decisions laid 
down by the convention and the Executive Council. Hence, when 





there is division among the union members as to some policy, those 
responsible for the magazine must recognize that division exists, but 
cannot content themselves with stating the fact or with acting as 
though they and the magazine had no responsibility for overcoming 
that division. 

Clearly, on this particular question, the function of THe Amenrt- 
CAN TEACHER and the duty of its editorial committee is to present 
to the Union membership the meaning of collective security, the 
reasons isolationism leads to war and to continuing victories for 
fascism, and the argument for collective security. 

The magazine is educational, after all, and is maintained to end 
or reduce division among us, not to perpetuate it through the 
absence of a decisive stand, through encouraging those who may 
disagree with the officially adopted policy because they have not 
heard the case for it and against isolationism. 

Hucu DeLacy 
Vice-President, A.F.T. 


(The Editorial Committee wishes to call the attention of the 
readers to the statement preceding the two articles in question 
on page 20.) 





The AMERICAN TEACHER 


Official Organ of 


THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS 
506 South Wabash Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 
Organized April 15, 1916 


Affiliated with The American Federation of Labor 


President 
Jerome Davis 


Secretary-Treasurer 
Irvin R. KvENzu1 


Vice-Presidents 


Mary J. Herricx 
Attire B. Mann 
Menrcepes L. NELSON 
Stanton E. Smita 
Jor, SEMMAN 


Georce E. AXTELLE 
Joun D. Connors 
Hucua DeLacy 
Micnaet J. Ecx 
ARTHUR ELDER 
Mary Forey GrossMAN Harry C. STEINMETZ 
Cuaries J. HENDLEY Paut W. PREISLER 
Doxey A. WILKERSON 


Board of Editors 


I. R. KiIncsBerc 

Cei1a Lewts 

ALLI£ B. MANN 

Hazet Murray 

Nancy Lea SMITH 

Sara T. WALSH 

WiLtiaM W. WATTENBERG 


Ricwarp B. Crosscup 
Epwarp De Brag 
Dorotuy DovucLas 
Kermit Esy 

Georce FIncH 

A. S. Hancock 
Eucene HoLMEs 


Georce E. AXTELLE 


Representative of the 
Executive Council 


Contributing Editors 


Rosert Morss Lovett 
Ora McLavucHLINn 
SELDEN MENEFEE 
Beryt PARKER 


Mitprep BERLEMAN 

Stertinc A. Brown 

Epwin Berry Burcum 

ARTHUR ELDER 

Boris GAMZUE Hottanp D. Roserts 

Ipa GLANTZ KLINGSBERG Cotston E. WARNE 
Joun Wooprurr 


Business Offices 


506 S. Wabash Avenue 
Chicago, Ill. 


Secretary, Board of Editors 


Cerra Lewis 
8 West 16 Street, N. Y. C. 


THE AMERICAN TEACHER 








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THE CONTRIBUTORS 


IRVING ADLER is chairman of the Educational Policies 
Committee of Local 5. 


STANLEY F. ATWOOD is Superintendent of Public Instruc- 
tion in the State of Washington. 


MOWAT G. FRASER is a lecturer in education at the Uni- 
versity of Michigan. He is author of The College of the 
Future. 


MARY FOLEY GROSSMAN is the national legislative repre- 
sentative of the American Federation of Teachers. 


EUGENE C. HOLMES teaches in the English Department 
at Howard University. He is a member of the Editorial 
Board of the AMERICAN TEACHER. 


JOHN A. LAPP is a government labor arbitrator. He was 
formerly head of the Department of Social Sciences at Mar- 
quette University. 


FREDERICK J. LIBBY is executive secretary of the National 
Council for the Prevention of War. 


MADALINE KINTER REM MLEIN is a member of the Ameri- 
can Educational Research Association. She has made educa- 
tional surveys under the Department of Public Instruction 
and the State Planning Board in Pennsylvania. 


H. L. SOFTLEY is principal of the Abbey High School in 
Abbey, Saskatchewan, Canada. 


ARNOLD SHUKOTOFF is chairman of the National Academic 
Freedom Committee of the American Federation of Teachers. 


HARRY F. WARD is chairman of the American League for 
Peace and Democracy. 





CONTEMPORARY 


STUDY TOURS 
TO EUROPE 


Mark Bureau's 46th Year. These 
privileged groups will visit famed 
schools—meet eminent Europeans— 
gain extra travel-values—have won- 
derful summer! Good fun, good 
company always. Jerome Davis, 
President Am. Federation of Teach- 
ers. Prof, A. D. Winspear, Univer- 
sity Wisconsin. 


Write to Box J-20. 


BUREAY 
Travelk 


Newton 








ALSO 
Child Art, Classies, Languages, Poll- 


tics, Seandinavia, Art Pilgrimage. Massachusetts 








WHAT EVERY 


WELL INFORMED TEACHER 
SHOULD KNOW 


The How and Why of the A. F. T. 


The following publications answer in convenient form 
questions concerning the aims and organization of the 
American Federation of Teachers. They are well suited 
for distribution to prospective members. Samples will 
be sent on request. 


1. 


10. 


11. 


12. 


13. 


14. 


15. 


16. 


— ~--—~<@—__- -—— 


Information about the A. F. T. 


Contains facts and figures 25c per hundred 


Six Major Purposes 
How the A. F. T. can aid the 
nation’s educational program 
The A. F. T. Program of Action 
Adopted at the 1931 Convention 
25c per hundred 
Can Teachers Unions Be Called Out on Strike? 


Questions and answers on this 
important topic 


25c per hundred 


25c per hundred 


Objections Answered 
Will clinch that argument 
Why I am A Member of the Teachers Union 


Prominent educators state their 
views 35c per hundred 


25c per hundred 


Six Reasons for Joining the A. F. T. 
(Jerome Davis) 
(These are also printed in ‘Questions 
and Answers’’) 25c per hundred 


Questions and Answers 
A convenient and inclusive resumé 
35c per hundred 


The Historical Setting of the A. F. T. 
(Ruth Gillette Hardy) 
A pertinent perspective 35c per hundred 


Why I Am Glad to Be A Member 
of the A. F. T. 
A message from Professor Goodwin 
Watson of Columbia University 35c per hundred 


The Constitution of the A. F. T. 
(Correct as of Oct. 1, 1937) 
Will settle that knotty question 
$2.00 per hundred 


A Program of Action for Class-room Teachers 
What we stand for, clearly set forth 
$2.00 per hundred 


A Critical Evaluation of the A. F. T. 
(Aileen W. Robinson) 
A documented survey of the A. F. T. 
5Oc per copy 
Accomplishments of the A. F. T. 
60c per hundred 
Teachers Should Organize 
By Dr. Frank Baker, President Milwaukee State 
Normal School $2.00 per hundred 


A Golden Opportunity 


By Irvin Kuenzli $2.00 per hundred 





ORDER BY NUMBER FROM 


AMERICAN FEDERATION 
OF TEACHERS 
506 SOUTH WABASH AVENUE 
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 








MAY-JUNE, 1938 





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—— 


IMPORTANT NOTICE: 


Because of a conflict in convention dates and because satisfactory hotel arrangements Gould not be. made, the Executive 


Council has voted to hold the convention at Cedar Point, Ohio, instead of Cincinnati, OHTd, &prewidusly announced. 


CONVENTION CALL 


American Federation of Ceachers 


TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL CONVENTION 
HOTEL BREAKERS 


CEDAR POINT, OHIO, ON LAKE ERIE 


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To All Affiliated Locals: 


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The Twenty-second Annual Convention of the American Federation of Teachers is hereby called to convene at 
the Breakers Hotel, Cedar Point, Ohio, August 15, 1938, at the hour of 10 A. M., E. S. T., and will remain in session five 
days or until such time as it has given full consideration to such matters as may legally be brought before it. 


Education in America is faced with such serious problems in many places that the ve 
education is threatened. Internationally we are on the threshold of another world war an 
Nationally we are faced with the perplexing problem of “educating for democracy" in the throes of eco- 
In many places throughout the Nation, children in the schools are again asked to pay the price of 


balance. 
nomic recession. 


existence of free public 
Democracy hangs in the 


d 


our social and economic failures. In many state and local school districts attempts are being made to restrict educa- 
tional opportunity and to curtail the school program. In the face of these pressing educational problems, it is highly 
important that all locals have full representation of carefully chosen delegates. 


RESOLUTIONS 


In recent conventions so many resolutions have been 
introduced that it has been impossible for either the 
convention or the Executive Council intelligently to con- 
sider all of them. It is recommended that only resolutions 
of utmost importance and directly related to teaching 
and the educative process be presented to the conven- 
tion. Locals are requested to cooperate in making reso- 
lutions few in number so that it will be unnecessary to 
establish a numerical limit. 


Resolutions and other material which locals desire to 
have placed in the hands of delegates should be sent in 
as soon as possible and will not be accepted for mimeo- 


graphing after July 9, 1938. 
REPRESENTATION 


Enclosed herewith is a copy of the constitution as 
amended to date. Articles VI and VII explain the rules 
of representation at the convention. 

No local in arrears for two months (June and July) or 
more shall be entitled to representation. 


Locals chartered after July 15, 1938, will not be en- 
titled to representation. Locals chartered before July 15, 


1938, must have paid at least two months per capita 
(June and July, or July and August) and have no arrear- 


ages to be entitled to representation. It should be noted 
that fractions of 25 are not to be counted in determining 
votes. 

Locals of | to 49 members will have one vote. 

Locals of 50 to 74 members will have two votes. 

Locals of 75 to 99 members will have three votes. 

Locals of 100 to 124 members will have four votes, etc. 

At the 1937 convention the credentials committee ruled 
that a delegate carrying proxy votes for locals (as _pro- 
vided in Section 3, Article 7) must be a member of one 
of the locals represented. 

Since the convention will open one week earlier than 
last year, per capita for July must be paid not later 
than August | in order to allow time for computation of 
the number of votes to which locals are entitled. 

The books will be closed on August 3 and no per capita 


will be accepted at the convention. 
Fraternally yours, 
“ EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, 
AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS. 
IRVIN KUENZLI, Secretary-Treasurer. 
JEROME DAVIS, President. 





The headquarters for the convention will be at the Breakers Hotel. 


Rates: 


HOTEL BREAKERS—Rooms without bath 
Two persons (each) $1.25; $1.75; $2.25 per day 
One person 2.00; 2.50; 3.50 per day 
HOTEL BREAKERS—Rooms with private bath 
Two persons (each) $2.50; $3.00 per day 
One person 4.00; 4.50 per day 
Rooms with bath and twin beds; 2 persons 
(each) $3.50 per day 
BON AIR—Rooms with private bath and twin beds 
Two persons (each) $3.50; $4.00 per day 
One person 5.50; per day 


Convention Committee 
Michael J. Eck—Vice-president for Ohio, West Virginia area. 
E. Glenn Baxter—President Ohio State Federation of Teachers. 
R. E. Abercrombie—President Cincinnati Local 479—Chairman 
of Local Committee. 
Jerome Davis—Ex Officio. 
Irvin Kuenzli—Ex Officio. 

























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