| ‘The AMI ERI CA N TEACHER i HOVEMBER (1938 fy : | THE DAYTON SCHOOL CRISIS ° SCHOOL FOR BARBARIANS By Erika Mann FEDERAL AID FOR EDUCATION By Frank P. Graham BY THEIR WORKS By John W. Studebaker BOOK REVIEWS - - - - - - - DEPARTMENTS Published by the AMERICAN FEDERATION of TEACHERS Inside the Cover In light of the persecution of the Jews in Germany, the poem by Emma Lazarus, an American poet of Spanish-Jewish parentage, inscribed on the base of the Statue of Lib- erty takes on added significance: Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore, Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me; I lift my lamp beside the golden door. Add to that a sentence from George Washington’s Thanksgiving Day Message of 1795: . . humbly and fervently to beseech the kind Author of these blessings . . . to render this country more and more a safe and propitious asylum for the unfortunate of other countries.” A recent foreign press dispatch which appeared in the Chicago Daily News said (with no comment whatsoever) that Colonel Lindbergh would not have as much trouble finding housing facilities in Berlin because a number of well-to-do Jews were giving up their apartments. A Swedish language paper, Svae, of Worcester, Mass., recently said that “Colonel Lindbergh, as an Amer- ican and as an American of Swedish de- scent, should not choose to associate him- self with a nation for which neither the land of his birth nor the land of his an- cestry has anything but detestation.” *> * * One of the surprising (or not so surpris- ing) things about the Dayton school crisis was the number of students who wrote let- ters to the Dayton papers, indicating their indignation over the closing of the schools. One letter I thought worth reprinting. To the Editor of The Herald: In one of our classes this fall we had to make a scrapbook on the City of Dayton. We got some of our material from the Dayton Chamber of Com- merce. From it we learned that Day- ton factories have a value of $204,- 933,808 and a city pay roll of $94,- 569,708.81; that retail trade is $80,- 493,000. We learned that bank clear- ings in 1937 were $179,817,747; that building permits in 1937 were $4,377,- 120; that $12,000,000 is invested in hotels. We have a million-dollar art institute, 1,000 acres of parks, a 310- acre municipal airport and one of the finest “Y’s” in the country. All of this we put in our scrapbooks —and a few weeks later the schools close for LACK OF MONEY! Because the people of Dayton refase us money for our education, not only once but for five or six years, and now there is none at all. Dayton wants to be tops in things that make a lot of show and noise like aviation and things that are advertised all over the world, but it turns thumbs down on its boys and girls. —A DAYTON THIRTY-NINER. * * + I was intrigued by the Ford ad which appeared in Colliers, October 29. In a small box was the following message signed, “Henry Ford”: America knows but one direction, and that is—onward! Time will bring changes, but mot in the main course. The openings and opportunities for men and women who can do things, who know their jobs, are becoming more numerous. Our schools should bear this in mind and prepare their students for life. Every school should be a place where students learn by doing. Mr. Ford is not so lenient to labor or- ganizers (or men in his own plants) who wish to “learn by doing.” The N.L.R.B. reports throughout the country indicate that Mr. Ford fires workers who “learn by doing.” Educators as a group have been too kindly toward Mr. Ford. The N.E.A. at their Detroit convention in 1937 gave Mr. W. J. Cameron (Ford Sunday Evening Hour) more space on the program than most of the educators who spoke at the meeting. The only speaker (whose remarks were reported in the daily press) who struck out against “fixed minds” in our society at this convention was the dean of America’s educators, Dr. William Kilpatrick. The Cincinnati Typographical Union an- nounces that the American Racing Record, which has been non-union for twenty years, has signed up for the union label; the union label should improve the “tips” which the paper prints. The Irish Sweepstakes was good to one union member, Charlie Cohen, a member of the New York I.L.G.W.U. since 1910. Mr. Cohen had a ticket on Archduke II, the favorite in the race. However, he sold half interest in the ticket to a gambling syndicate which paid him $15,000. When the race was run Archduke II trailed, and the ticket paid only $4,000, of which Mr. Cohen got half. As Mr. Cohen put it in the interview in Justice, the 1.L.G.W.U. weekly, “Being a building chairman, teaches you a great deal of common sense.” HAVE YOU SEEN THESE? The Unique Function of Education in American Democracy, published by the Educational Policies Committee of the N.E.A. Some of Mr. Beard’s fine handiwork; a must for all members of the A. F. of T. Educational Policies Com- mittee. Bring the Crisis into the Classroom, by Commissioner Studebaker. A swell job on the recent international crisis and the responsibility of the classroom teach- er. Write to the Office of Education for a copy. Also ask for a copy of Stude- baker’s, Can Discussion Muzzle Guns? The Federal Government and Education, by the President’s Advisory Committee. A fine 31-page pamphlet which analyzes public education in the United States and outlines the improvements suggested by the Committee. Very good for the lay public. May be secured in single copies (free) from the Advisory Committee on Education, Washington, D. C. May be obtained at 10 cents per copy in bundle lots from the U. S. Government Printing Office. Grorce T. GUERNSEY. THE AMERICAN TEACHER 7 | le — ’ mom 'F i ee eanvpua<“< &w so of se hd. The MERICAN TEACHER Published by The American Federation of Teachers VOLUME XxXill NOVEMBER, 1938 NUMBER 2 IN THIS ISSUE: 8 ere Coe John W. Studebaker 5 os ash beg 0 wes + 9a ee LR Erika Mann 7 Federal Aid for Education................... Frank P. Graham 9 The Dayton School Crisis. ................0- A Dayton Teacher 11 Curriculum Revision in Washington.......... Stanley F. Atwood 14 ae ae x: SURE Oe Te FROM, ..o.0 ics ovensnawasenaenss 15 Oe SN nn ob aresudeneceweentes Kermit Eby 16 TS sy ease cammnake Wanda Taeschner 18 Vocational Education Aided by A. F. of L........ Florence Clark 19 DEPARTMENTS: Inside the Cover. ..... ssis sigan weal nace ke era gta eR oe ed ae 2 saa es a eins Nake kt wh a aan ti we a The President’s Page, Every Member an Organizer............. 6 Among the New Books: Youth Tell Their Story............... Doxey A. Wilkerson 21 Were We Guinea Pigs?............... Leif Thorne-Thomsen 22 They Still Draw Pictures!................. John J. DeBoer 23 The Folklore of Capitalism................ Evelyn Sholund 24 NS ee ee eee 25 EER ICL EP EE en ee 28 re a Sonees bbaeWsWenne ine SRK Cw hee aN eae 31 i 1. sacha oiaban Rpaated Maa e eae cave aed 31 Drawings by Chandler Montgomery —_——g—_—_ THE AMERICAN TEACHER Grorce T. Guernsey, Editor ENTERED as second class matter October 18, 1933, at the post office at Chicago, Illinois, under the act of March 3, 1879. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage provided for in Section 1103, Act of February 28, 1925, authorized November 3, 1926. SUBSCRIPTION: $1.00 for the year—Foreign $1.10—Single copies, 25c. Published monthly except June, July and August, at 506 S. Wabash Ave., Chicago, Ill. Subscribers are requested to give prompt notice of changes of address. Remittances should be made in postal or express money orders, draft, stamps, or check. Be 4s I’ the October issue of the American Association of Uni- versity Professors Bulletin, Professors Cummins and Larrabee of Union College provocatively discuss the ques- tion: “Individual versus Collective Bargaining for Pro- fessors.” Wittily the professors dispose of the idea that bargaining of any type is out of place or undignified. Recognizing that most teachers regard their work as more than a means of money-making, the professors suggest that the wages of teachers, like the wages of other em- ployees, are based on community demand and conditions, and fluctuate with changes in demand and conditions. The professors then demonstrate that bargaining is today im- possible on a person-to-person basis since the individual professor finds himself dealing “with the powerclad repre- sentative of a collective body, usually a large corporation, firmly embedded in the capital structure of our acquisitive NOVEMBER, 1938 society, and ruled by a board of trustees who inevitably represent, by and large, the ‘giving classes.’”” The question therefore remains: what kind of collective bargaining? To the writers of the A. A. U. P. article, collective bar- gaining as represented by trade-union methods is as un- desirable for professors as individual bargaining. First, because professors lack the cohesion necessary to use these methods effectively; secondly, because professors will, through the use of such methods, permanently antagonize the administration with whom cooperation must be carried out. As explanation of the first difficulty hindering trade- union bargaining, the professors argue that most professors are “prima donnas,” and labor under the illusory notion that each is the exceptionally strong person who requires no assistance. Furthermore, they contend that the “demand for solidarity in the entire teach- ing profession from top to bot- tom” holds no interest for pro- \ \ i fessors. As explanation of the second difficulty, they argue that “face-saving is a necessity in academic diplomacy” and that tact is necessary to keep administrative officers from com- mitting themselves to impossible positions. The closing argument of the professors is that college teachers should be more reasonable than other human beings and should not descend “into the streets” until all resources of persuasion shall have been exhausted. Thorough comment on this analysis is impossible in these editorial columns, especially since the professors have, without quibbling, touched essential problems. But a number of fallacies may be briefly noted. For one thing, the professors take a rather static and somewhat outdated view of the nature of college professors. What they say about professorial individualism appears to be less true today than in 1928 and implies possibilities for action which are neglected. In the second place, no real analysis is made of the bases of attacks on professional needs and of the forces with which professors must contend and cooperate in order to protect and advance educational standards, academic freedom, and the interests of the profession. The result is that the whole question of bartering with an ad- ministration is conceived of in terms of “face-saving,” “reasoning,” and “friendly counsel.” That these are de- sirable is not to be gainsaid, but the question frequently is: are they possible? Finally, it is clear throughout the article that the writers regard trade-union bargaining as something that necessarily operates in extremes. They contrast A. A. U. P. and A. F. of T. handling of the Davis case as the difference between issu- ing a reasonable report and picketing, when the truth is that the A. F. of T. did both. Furthermore, before the A. F. of T. picketed and won a hearing before the Yale Corpora- tion—as the writers forget to mention—the A. F. of T. made numerous written requests for a conference on the case. The difference between a trade union and a professional organization, it appears to us, is not one of unreasonable- ness in dealing with the administration but of resourceful- ness in tactics and skill in mobilizing effective public opinion. However, what is perhaps most needed at the present time is cooperation and conference by the A. F. of T. and the A. A. U. P. in meeting mutual difficulties. Perhaps, out of such mediation will come the fusion of high ideals and economic realism which the writers of the article urge as necessary for collective bargaining in the college field. x** EATH rates among workers who receive less than $1,000 a year is twice that of the rest of the popula- tion, according to a study by Miss Josephine Roche of Colorado who heads the United States Public Health Service. In 30 per cent of serious illness among relief families, no physician’s care is received, the report shows, while in 28 per cent of such illnesses in families just above the relief level, no physician’s care is received. Further statistics show that the babies of the poor die at a rate five times higher than the babies of the moderately well-to-do. On the whole, the report summarizes, medical care decreases sharply as the need for it increases. W.P.A. Administrator Harry L. Hopkins in another study on health found that the high mortality rate among babies, totalling more than 120,000 each year, can be blamed directly on poverty. One-half of the babies born into the U. S. each year are born into families of the depressed one-third of the nation. Poverty, he said, also is the sole cause why a large percentage of the children who survive are permanently crippled by disease and undernourishment. Also, the mor- tality among women in childbirth is higher in this country than in any of the leading 25 nations of the world, ex- cepting only Chile and Lithuania. Figures cited by Hopkins were gathered by the children’s department of the U. S. Department of Labor. In Milwaukee, labor unions have taken the matter of health of their members into their own hands. The Fed- erated Trades Council, local A. F. of L. central labor body, is completing plans for a cooperative labor hospital. Capitalized at $15,000, the new hospital will contain 50 beds. The venture was undertaken to retaliate against the Milwaukee chapter of the American Medical Associa- tion, which expelled five local physicians for providing 4 Acting on instructions of the A.M.A., local hospitals refused to accept patients from the ousted doctors. group medical service. xx VIDENCE that organized boycotting of non-union prod- E ucts is effective is shown by a recent study of maga- zines, which have been placed on the “unfair list” by the printing-trades unions. Based on a survey by the Standard Statistics Company, the study shows that advertising lineage of the non-union publications was as much as 50 per cent off for the first eight months of the year. The unfair magazines are listed as the Curtis Group, which includes Saturday Evening Post, Ladies Home Jour- nal, and Country Gentleman, and Life and Time. The latter two are printed by the R. R. Donnelley & Sons Company, in Chicago, the largest non-union plant in the country. For the eight months period Time suffered a loss of 30 per cent in advertising, while Life, the picture magazine, dropped 52 per cent in advertising. For the Curtis pub- lications gross revenues were down 57 per cent this year as compared to the 1929 level. Net earnings last year were $4,120,509, as compared to $1,128,482 for the first nine months of this year. While Standard Statistics blames the “business depres- sion” for the declining revenues, printing-trades labor officials point to the nationwide protests of organized labor against publications which consistently refuse to estab- lish union-shop working conditions in their plants. xk A’ we go to press, the National Academic Freedom com- mittee announces victories in three cases. In Texas the dismissal of John Woodruff and E. C. Barksdale, leaders of the Goose Creek local, was prevented. In Minnesota Clifford Herness, dismissed last June from the Bloomington Schools because of his activities as president of Local 492, has secured a temporary appointment as principal at Flood- wood, Minn. In New York thirteen teachers won a court decision ordering their reinstatement. In Goose Creek, Texas, complete victory was achieved through the agency of sympathetic board members and public support. The attempted dismissals of John Woodruff and E. C. Barksdale at the opening of the current semester came partly as a result of last spring’s successful campaign of the teachers to prevent the dismissal of six teachers and to secure a tenure contract for all. It came partly, also, asa ~ result of John Woodruff’s work in helping launch a teachers’ union, establish an independent teacher-labor paper, set up ~ : & a teachers’ cooperative filling station, and stimulate teachers to engage in political activity. Last spring in the school- board elections in Goose Creek, three labor candidates were easily elected. As the school year opened, Superintendent Harmon Low- THE AMERICAN TEACHER man demanded the outright dismissals of both Woodruff ~ IT ila es gt eee RAAT EMOTO 0 is being paid today as well as a word against which bitter criticism is being directed. It is a big word capable of carrying a great deal of content. But among other things it is a word that stands for freedom of expression and free inquiry. Loyalty to the democratic idea cannot be instilled in the minds of young people by methods which are in- consistent with the democratic idea itself. By their works in the classroom and in the life of the com- munity the students learn what educators mean by democracy. On this basis, in part, learners make up their minds whether democracy is a way of life which appeals to them. The school where free discussion is discouraged, where inquiry into significant problems is hushed up, where teachers are forced to avoid the controversial or where teaching is itself dogmatic or dictatorial dis- credits the democratic idea in the eyes of students. The learners are much more impressed by the practice of democratic procedures than by description and ex- hortation. The best defense of our democratic tradition we Dirieice is a word to which much lip-service By Their Works John W. Studebaker, Commissioner of Education can have is schools devoted to the practice of demo- cratic principles of free speech, free inquiry, and respect for the right of the learners to learn. This places an obligation upon educators to make the classroom a place where young people experience freedom as well as study the history of free govern- ment. And it must be quite clear that such a class- room is not a protected preserve where the so-called teacher may hunt converts for his personal convictions. Rather, it is a place where the teacher helps the stu- dents to hunt the truth and to test it. We cannot permit anyone actuated by prejudice or vested interest to restrict this sacred search for truth. Students who have ground for saying either: “That teacher is trying to put something over on us” or “that teacher is afraid to let us find out for ourselves” are apt to question the sincerity of our professed loyalty to American democracy. If this is true, there must be a closing of the ranks of democratic-minded educators to resist in all prac- tical ways attempts from within or without the pro- fession to frustrate or to restrict free learning. and Barksdale. He charged both with non-cooperation and insubordination, although such a charge had no standing under the Tenure Agreement. As an instance of insubordina- tion, it was alleged that Barksdale had sought support of board members for a principal’s position left vacant by a leave of absence without first conferring with Superintendent Lowman. Mr. Woodruff was charged with the crime of hav- ing organized a meeting of parents and teachers on this matter. Superintendent Lowman, in asking outright dis- missal, suggested to board members that the tenure con- tract applied only under “normal” conditions. Publicity and conference with board members by union leaders caused the Board to decide by a vote of four to three on a public hearing such as is provided for in the Tenure Agreement. The hearing, which was held on October 10, was attended by 400 members of the community. The teachers were repre- sented by an attorney retained by the Classroom Teachers Association, which frequently works cooperatively with the Goose Creek Teachers Union. The case of Woodruff was heard first. One of the trustees elected by labor moved to dismiss the charges on the ground that there was no evidence. The Board voted and by a ballot of four to three threw out the charges. A similar vote ordered the reinstatement of Barksdale. In Buffalo, N. Y., thirteen teachers, eleven of whom have NOVEMBER, 1938 served from five to nineteen years, were dismissed on August 8 of this year by the Depew Board of Education. The Board alleged that economy and non-residence were the bases of the action. Unsatisfactory though these reasons were, the Buffalo Teachers Union, Local 377, found still more unsatis- factory reasons upon investigation. It discovered that racial discrimination and a vengeful board member were actually at the bottom of the dismissals. The board member, who had been unsuccessful in 1934 in demanding the removal of a satisfactory teacher to make way for his own appointee, had campaigned for election to the Board in May, 1938, on the issue of the appointment of Polish teachers. Seeking to exploit a situation in which about half of the community population is Polish while few of the teachers are, the Board had dismissed thirteen non-Polish teachers. The Buffalo Teachers Union further found that the State Tenure Law passed in 1937 had been violated. The teachers, supported by the Union, Superintendent Crego, the Polish Everybody's Daily and other papers, brought suit. On September 21 State-Supreme-Court-Justice Gold handed down a decision ordering the Depew Board to reinstate the teachers. Recent advices indicate that the Board, after reinstating the teach- ers on October 11, has filed an appeal and not permitted the teachers to return to their positions pending action on the appeal. the Presiden ts Page HE American Federation of Teachers celebrated its twenty-second birthday by holding one of the most unified and harmonious conventions in its history. The delegates recognized their historic mission to move forward in the task of serving and promoting the educa- tional needs of America. It is clear that in the larger sense we do not now have democratic education. There are 127,000 local school jurisdictions with the widest variations in educational op- portunity. In the single state of Iowa, for instance, the most prosperous district has 275 times the wealth per child of the most poverty-stricken. The poor worker in some districts must bear a financial load for schools alone 80 per cent greater in some areas than in others. The President’s Advisory Committee on Education has summarized this situation by saying, “The level of educa- tional service that can be maintained under present circum- stances in many localities is below the minimum necessary for the preservation of democratic institutions.” These educational inequalities threaten the very theory on which democracy was founded. The result is that the accident of birth may determine whether a child has or has not adequate educational training. America was founded as a democracy. It was designed to prevent an hereditary aristocracy. Yet under present conditions the schools which were founded to perpetuate democracy may in fact be creating the very inequalities which they were designed to prevent. In the American Federation of Teachers, therefore, in organizing, we are doing battle for democracy. We are trying to realize freedom, truth, and justice in the national life. Our struggle for new and better schools, for ever higher educational policies is probably the basic struggle to perpetuate democracy in these United States. This means that one of the prime requisites in winning democratic education is organizing teachers. Indeed, the Convention this year was unanimous in the belief that this was one of our main tasks not because it was an end in itself but because of its significance for democratic edu- cation. During the past year we have spent about $17,000 in our organizing campaign and this year we may spend Every MEMBER AN ORGANIZER $19,000. We are in the process of trying to find out the most effective organizing method. At present we are using a combination of full-time and part-time paid organizers. It is too early to say how far we have perfected the best techniques. But one thing is sure, if we are to succeed in our or- ganizing goal, we need the cooperation of every member. If each member should become an active organizer and bring in an average of only one new member we would have sixty thousand at the time of the next Convention. Every local must not only have an active, efficient mem- bership committee which is seeking to enroll those within its own territory, but should try to start at least one new local elsewhere. Federal aid for education will be enacted into law during the coming session of Congress if we are alert to our op- portunity. The President of the United States is whole- heartedly behind federal aid, but it also demands your help. Every additional member which you bring into the Federa- tion means that our organization is that much more power- ful in its drive to impress Congress with the absolute neces- sity of this forward step. Will you do your part in organizing or are you afflicted with the disease of pernicious inertia? Good intentions are not enough. The bacteria of good intentions without action are like morphia and opiates. They make you feel good only as long as the effect lasts. At the start of this new year let each one of us resolve to do his or her part to bring in new members, to secure the enactment of federal aid for education. The responsibility rests on you who are reading these words: Wanted, every member an organizer, every organizer a “local” builder. JerRoME Davis C THE AMERICAN TEACHER =~ cazrrlClCrhOlTllClO @ ERIKA MANN The dark room hardly looks like a playroom. The boy is ten. But where are the toys, the Indian feathers, the games and story-books, full of adventure and spellbound princesses? The titles that catch the light from the door are those of the books read during the long “Comrades’ Evenings”’: Aviator’s Nest in the Elder-Bushes, Life Stories of German War Aces, The Infantry Marches On, The Book of German Colonies for the Young, Peter, the Soldier-Boy, and Sister Claire at the Front. She had to give him these books. She remembers it only too well—and his answer, when she asked whether he enjoyed them. “Of course,” he said, with his angry look, “what else is there to read?” Well, what else is there? And his playthings: maps, a short dagger, a little dangerous-looking revolver, a few tin soldiers, a bust of the Fiihrer, a gas mask. Gas masks have just been distributed among children, and the boy has been having fun with his. He did frighten her with the ugly thing; she found him, his face covered by the gas mask and its trunk, lying on the floor one day as though he were dead. When she ran up to him fearful and calling, he jumped up and laughed. “What nerves you have, Mother! What in the world will you do when the serious things begin to happen?” he cried, and, swinging the gas mask, went out. x*wr One boy’s family tried to recall their child. They gave him a birthday party, with ordinary, normal, “civilian” presents: a paintbox, a picture puzzle, a shining new bicycle—and lit twelve candles on his birthday cake. How they looked forward to that party! And it went off like a political conference. Six boys had been invited, and five of them came right on time. “Who’s missing?” the mother asked. “Can’t you see?” said the boy, “HE’s missing—Fritze- karl!” “What a pity!” she answered. That it should be just Fritzekarl! Two years older than her son, he was the leader in the Jungvolk, and his presence at the party was of great importance. If he did not appear, it was a sign of disfavor; the whole thing would be spoiled. 1 This article is made up of selections from School for Barbarians by Erika Mann (New York: Modern Age Books, 160 pages, $.50). Erika Mann’s comprehensive picture of German youth can be ob- tained only by reading the whole book of which these excerpts give a limited view. NOVEMBER, 1938 School for Barbarians’ The boys, in their Hitler Youth uniforms stood around the birthday table, not knowing quite what to do with the toys. The bicycle pleased all of them, with its bell (which they took turns ringing) and its rubber tires, which were so hard to get nowadays, and which the father had finally been able to obtain after using all his contacts in the Party, paying a high cash price, and emphasizing the fact that this was a wheel for a boy, a Jungvolk boy, and not for a girl who would never go to war! Now it stood there, complete with instructions and a copy of the German Cyclist, saying: “Boys on bicycles must try to remember the names of towns, rivers, mountains and lakes as well as the material and type of architecture of bridges, etc. They may be able to make use of this knowledge for the good of the Fatherland.” The bell rang, and the son dashed to the front door. A sharp voice came through, crying “Heil Hitler!” and the five boys at the table turned on their heels as the answer came in a voice already breaking, “Heil Hitler!” Their superior officer was received with the “German salute,” five hands raised, great composure, solemn faces. Solemnly, Fritzekarl gave the host his birthday present—a framed photograph of the Leader of the Reich Youth, Baldur von Schirach, with a facsimile autograph! The son clicked his heels as he received it. “I wish to speak to your father,” Fritzekarl said curtly. The mother answered in her friendly voice, “My. husband is not free just now—he’s upstairs working.” Fritzekarl attempted to keep the note of military com- mand in his shrill young voice. “Just the same, madam, I should prefer to speak to your husband for a moment. . .In the interest of your son.” His manner was correct, in spite of his tone. He bowed slightly to the mother as he finished his masterful little speech. “Fourteen years old!” she thought, “but the mechanism of power backs him up, and he knows it.” The son was blushing violently. “For goodness’ sake call him!” he said, stepping toward his mother. The father came down at once. “Heil, Hitler!” cried Fritzekarl. “Heil, Hitler!” repeated the man. “What can I do for ,ou, Lieutenant?” “Pardon me,” says Fritzekarl, who doesn’t get the joke, and retains his martial stare, “but your son was absent from our last practice exercises. . . .” “Yes, I know,” the father interrupts at this point, “He had a cold.” “Tt was at your suggestion that he absented himself,” Fritzekarl continues, his voice breaking and going hoarse over the phrase, “You wrote me some sort of excuse, to say that he was staying home at your wish.” The father puts his weight first on one foot and then on the other. “As a matter of fact, it is my wish that he stay home when he has such a severe cold.” “Oh, I didn’t have such a bad cold at all,” the son breaks in. He is leaning on the handle-bars of the bicycle that his father had to fight for. “I could have gone, perfectly well.” The man looks at his son, a long look of surprise and pain and the resignation he has learned. “Well,” he says, and moves toward the door. But Fritzekarl stops him. “A moment, please,” he insists, but politely. “Your son was in school on that day and the following day. So he cannot have been really ill. Let me call your attention to the fact that he should have been present at practice and that it is my duty to report the absence!” “Oh, please—” the boy was speaking for his father, quickly, bargaining “—don’t do that, please! It won’t ever happen again—will it, father?—really, never again!” The father wanted to protest; he felt the despairing look of his wife, the outrage and embarrassment of the scene. “How dare you speak to me like that!” was what he was repeating in his mind. But he knew the conse- quences of such an argument, for himself, and for his son. Even if he could convince the Nazi authorities of his own part, and Fritzekarl’s rudeness, his son would still have to face the Jungvolk, paying for his father’s moment of “courage.” And so he only said, hestitatingly and stiffly, “No—it certainly will never happen again!” “TI thank you,” replied the fourteen-year-old superior of the treasonable son. The father was dismissed. He cannot air his resentment; he has to expect eaves- droppers and spies everywhere. His wife tells their son everything—not out of malice, but in the mistaken hope of reclaiming him this way. And the new maid is a person to be feared. She listens at doors, reads everything that’s lying around the house, and she happens to be having an affair with a Blockwart ; he could destroy a family single- handed. The boy would hardly denounce his own father, the man reflects, but if he repeats some remark to the maid, she will run to her Blockwart, the Gestapo (Secret State Police) will have it right away, and the doom will begin to move on them. Or, if they decide to dismiss the maid, her vengeance hanging over their heads may be even worse. With these conditions, nothing is to the point but care and extreme reticence. Families guard this reticence, and live side by side like strangers, or enemies. xx*k Association between “Aryan” and Jewish children is, of course, absolutely forbidden. A little Jewish girl is going down the main street of a small town. She is thirteen, and very pretty; and coming toward her is a boy she recognizes, a friend of pre-Hitler days, who used to play in the sand with her, and who is now wearing the uniform of the Hitler Youth. She waves at him, naturally and without thought. But he does not wave back; he approaches, his face set straight ahead, and dashes past as if he hasn’t seen her. Now she hurries home, head down in shame, not wanting to walk any more, after that! She hasn’t been home more than five minutes before he knocks at the door. “Look,” he begins, red-faced and stammering, “I only wanted to know how you are, Ruth. . .” She is shaken with joy, with fright and surprise. “You're mad to come here,” she whispers. ‘What if somebody saw you?” “It’s all right,” he answers. “Nobody saw me come. And you won’t tell; you’re no denouncer!”’ An extreme of respect lies in the phrase. She knows it, she can be proud of it. But what does it mean about the other, the free and powerful—his comrades of the Hitler Youth? Are they denouncers? Is he afraid of them? After he has left, the Jewish child stands at her window for a long time. Shall she tell her parents what has hap- pened, to please them? Why did he do it? And the visit itseli—was that the famous treason to his “group” that we always hear about?—a treason against National Social- ism? How is he now—ashamed or proud? x** The booklets called Volkisches Rechnen—a new term meaning “people’s arithmetic” or “national-political prob. lems of arithmetic”—account for this puzzling adjustment: sums in terms of bullet trajectories! Unfortunately, there is not much that can be done about national political problems with ordinary addition, subtraction, multiplica- tion, and division as they are usually taught in the public schools. In the secondary schools, more can be done. National Political Practice in Arithmetic Lessons sets the following problems: I. Germany had, according to the Versailles Treaty, to sur- render all her colonies. (An enumeration of colonies and man- dates, with estimates of population and area is given.) THE AMERICAN TEACHER & h 2 A. What was Germany’s total loss in population and territory? B. How much did each mandatory power receive in territory and population ? C. How many times greater is the surrundered territory than the area of Germany? D. Compare the population of Germany with the population of the lost territories. II. A bombing plane can be loaded with one explosive bomb of 35 kilograms, three bombs of 100 kilograms, four gas bombs of 150 kilograms, and 200 incendiary bombs of one kilogram. A. What is the load capacity? B. What is the percentage of each type of bomb? C. How many incendiary bombs of 0.5 kilograms could be added if the load capacity were increased 50% ? III. An airplane flies at the rate of 240 kilometers per hour to a place at a distance of 210 kilometers in order to drop bombs. When may it be expected to return if the dropping of bombs takes 7.5 minutes? xk Every class in Roman Catholicism opens with the formu- la: “Heil Hitler! Blessed be Jesus Christ, in all Eternity, Amen,” and closes with: “Blessed be Jesus Christ, in all Eternity, Amen. Heil Hitler!” The sequence, sandwich- ing everything else between Heils, is enforced by an edict of January 5, 1934. And the Protestant religious lessons, which include the same formulas, must, according to the “Plan for Teaching Evangelical Religion in Public Schools in the National Socialist Spirit,” emphasize “that the ex- istence of our people, in their racial peculiarity, has been willed by God and that it is an act of unfaithfulness toward God if racial values are not considered or if they are destroyed.” Officially, the Nazis demand the recognition of Jesus. But they convert him into a hero without fear, a Siegfried of Nordic stamp who waged war on the Jews until he was killed by them. Side by side with the gentler words in- Federal Aid for @ FRANK P. GRAHAM the American system even before the adoption of the Constitution, has been continued in a long succession of congressional grants to the states for agri- cultural, vocational, and higher education, and will be a further fulfillment of the great American tradition of federal aid to the states for roads, agriculture, health, research, higher education, and social security. Failure to provide federal aid now for the elementary and secondary schools is a failure of the American system to follow through for the most basic of all our American institutions. It is a failure to carry forward the democratic idea of more equal educational opportunity for all American children. Equal | N EDERAL aid to education became an historic part of NOVEMBER, 1938 tended for export, there are any number of Krause-like comments. The Fountain, in the Jan. 2, 1934, issue, de- clares: “How high Horst Wessel towers over that Jesus of Nazareth! That Jesus who pleaded that the bitter cup be taken from him! How unattainably high all Horst Wessels stand above this Jesus!” x*k That’s how things are. Hitler’s regime says: We have enemies in Germany, many of them, and we can only pray to Wotan that, as in the past, they will fear us more than we fear them. But we have youth on our side. That makes us strong. Also, we have the guns. They have the guns and that makes them strong. But the youth? There are proofs to the contrary. In this force of millions, who are supposed to be truly and irrevocably Nazi, the young men, the university men, are the first to show disappointment and disgust. They protest by leav- ing empty benches before Storm Leaders disguised as pro- fessors and by crowding the halls for those few who have a little knowledge of the extra-Nazi world. And these men were, yesterday, the State Youth. There are other signs. Voices find the outside world. They are voices of young workers, students, men of deep religious convictions, and their expressions are of wrath and hope. Here is the spectacle of a country—uneducated politically, seduced by romantic nationalism and a charlatan who said he was a savior—whose moral and spiritual re- sources as a country are now forced underground. The forces still live. In the past, they nourished all the great- ness of Germany. They survive; they cannot be withheld from the soul of a people; in the end, they are the highest concepts of human life, and they triumph, they emerge in the end. Education educational opportunity of the children who are to be citizens of both the states and the nation is the main responsibility of our constitutional republic of states and people. The main support of public education will continue to be by the states and localities. It is proposed merely to supplement the two billion dollars now provided by the states and localities with federal appropriations which, in the sixth year, for all purposes, will total 199 million dollars. Of this sum six millions will be for teacher educa- tion in a country in which one-fourth of the teachers have not gone beyond the high school. Six millions will be for rural libraries since of the forty-five million people without 9 access to public libraries, thirty-nine and one-half million live in rural areas. Fifteen millions will be for adult educa- tion in a nation of seventy-five million adults, of whom thirty-six million did not get beyond the eighth grade, fifteen million cannot read the daily newspaper intelli- gently, and more than three million cannot read at all, in spite of the fact that the conception of adult education has advanced from an exclusive concern with the immigrant, the unskilled, the underschooled, and the underprivileged to a concern for continuous and universal voluntary education of all adults. Most important of all, 140 millions in the sixth year are proposed for the elementary and secondary schools. The approximate 300 million dollars provided annually now for the less than 300,000 young men in the economically productive and socially desirable Civilian Conservation Corps emphasizes the far-reaching value of the modest 140 million dollars proposed as federal aid to the states for the more than 26,300,000 children in the public schools. The terms of the control of public education will con- tinue to be in the hands of the states and localities. Pro- vision for local and state control is expressly written in the federal bill with the freedom and autonomy of the localities and states preserved as now in the selection of teachers and curriculum, the management of textbooks, school buses, health service, and the entire administration of the schools. The two main principles for the distribution of the federal funds will be equitable distribution between the races and democratic distribution among the states accord- ing to the economic ability of the states and the number of children per adult population. The following facts established by committee studies which make the basis for this principle will burn themselves into our American democratic consciousness and stir the people to action. In 1930 the farm people in the United States obtained 9 per cent of the nation’s income and yet supported 31 per cent of the nation’s children. Southeastern farm people with approximately 4,250,000 children received 2 per cent of the national income while Northeastern non- farm people with approximately 8,500,000 children re- ceived 42 per cent of the national income. In three states less than $30 per child was invested in public education, while in three states more than $120 per child was invested. A higher tax rate is required to provide less than $30 per child in three states than is required to provide more than $120 per child in the three other states. In the states of the least economic ability the people pay the highest tax rate for the education of their children on the lowest plane in the nation. An economic, social, and cultural lag in any part of the country is an economic, social, and cultural damage to all parts of the country. Forty per cent of the children and youth, ten to twenty years old, on farms in 1920 were in cities at the end of the decade. Sixty per cent of this net migration was from Southern rural areas. While some regions are failing to reproduce their own population, the South has a 30 per cent excess of births over deaths. The region with less than a third of the population has more than 50 per cent of the excess of births over deaths in the nation. A large proportion of the children who in their non-productive years are supported and educated by rural people become in their economically creative years the producers in the vital industries and the citizens in the urban communities. The quality of the education in these rural areas is a matter of vital concern to the industries, the cities, and the people of the whole country. Economic inability and educational overload coincide in the same rural and sectional areas to fix educational inequality and to impair our national democracy. Just as within the states children in rural localities can have a fairer educa- tional opportunity only through state aid to those locali- ties, so children in the rural states can have a more equal educational opportunity only through federal aid to the states. Over half of the American states are rural states. Our corporate business structure, while drawing on all elements of the population, all sections of the country, and all the resources of the nation, concentrates the greatest wealth in the metropolitan areas with the least number of children per adult population. Much of the low-valued raw source of this wealth is back in the areas where there are the greatest proportion of children. These natural resources, these raw materials, the work of the people in these tributary areas contribute greatly to wealth at its levels of highest valuations and in its centers of greatest concentration where there are the least proportion of chil- dren. The federal government is the only agency which can redress this economic and educational imbalance be- tween the metropolitan areas of the greatest concentration of wealth and the rural areas of the greatest concentration of children per adult population. Three-fourths of the cost of public education is carried by taxation of property chiefly local. For the most part, taxation of agricultural property is taxation of the people on the farms where the tax is imposed. It cannot readily be shifted. Taxation of financial and industrial wealth, to an increasing extent in our integrated national industrial system, is shifted to the consumers of the whole nation. Since all sections, all resources, and all the people combine to produce the wealth concentrated in the great centers and since all the people as consumers help pay the taxes on this wealth, it is just that a little bit of the income from this wealth as federal aid to public education should go back to the states whence it came and where there are now the largest proportion of children whose equality and quality of education deter- mine the future of democracy in America. With democracy in retreat in many parts of the world, America can give a lift to the democratic hopes of the forgotten millions in all parts of the world with a new declaration for equitable and democratic federal aid to public education under state control. THE AMERICAN TEACHER @ By a DAYTON TEACHER program, borrowing money, and encumbering the future, the board of education, Dayton, Ohio, decided to adopt a new policy. After all sources of revenue were exhausted, both state and local, says the board, “The board has no alternative—the schools must close, Saturday, October 29.” For some time the board has been threatening to change its policy of borrowing to “stave off the day of reckoning.” That day arrived. October 29 marked a day for the ascendency of one principle of school management over another. One principle is that schools should be kept open at all costs—borrow more money if necessary. The other is that the deeply indebted schools should now attempt a pay-as-you-go basis. When the money runs out, schools should be closed regardless of the consequences. This is the principle accepted for the time being. Dayton has long boasted of her achievements. She has been rightfully lauded for the work of the Wright brothers and her developments in aviation. She has been called the “National Cash Register town.” The closing of the schools presents another picture. Not since the 1913 flood has Dayton met with such a calamity. Thirty-four thousand children and 1,300 teachers and other employees were dismissed from their classes and work. Dayton is not proud of a situation that finds her public schools bankrupt. Dayton is not bankrupt, neither is Montgomery County, the state of Ohio or the United States—but there is no money for schools! Dayton is part of a government which has been spending billions for everything from battleships to de luxe dog pounds. The great trouble with Dayton is the indifference of its good citizenry. The school-board meeting, at which the new policy was adopted, found only two people represent- ing a general public of 217,000. Many of the citizenry are branding the Dayton board as one containing men and women who are crooked and making the mistake of think- ing that as private individuals they are insulating themselves. Democracy confers certain benefits. At the same time, however, it makes demands. One of these demands is an interest in public affairs. When this interest ceases, people are getting ready to say “Heil!” to the fellow who does their thinking. Dayton’s school crisis is only a surface indication of a deep and widespread condition. There are other groups who seem to accept public education with its rich content . FTER nearly seven years of operating on a limited NOVEMBER, 1938 The Dayton School Crisis and universal distribution as affably as they do the blessings of sunshine, rain, and the constitutional benefits of this democracy that are so abundant. In 1934 the State of Ohio limited the taxes that could be levied on general property. By constitutional amend- ment the limitation was cut from fifteen mills to ten mills on the dollar. That cut represents a loss to the schools of one-third in the operating fund. During the depression the tax duplicate suffered a drop of approximately 25 per cent. Prior to the depression Dayton had a two-mill levy for school purposes. When this levy expired the voters of the city of Dayton refused to reapprove the levy—not only one time but at seven different elections. To partly counterbalance this loss the School Founda- tion program was enacted into law and put into effect in Ohio. This program furnishes about 40 per cent of the cost of the operation of city schools. Thus, 40 per cent was made to take the place of a revenue loss of slightly over 58 per cent. There are two outstanding reasons for Dayton’s situa- tion. One is represented by the apathy of her citizenry. The other reason confines itself to the actual operation of the state School Foundation program—inadequate as it is. As a matter of fact, there has been a consistent inability of the state to provide promptly and fully the amounts to which local school systems are entitled by law. At the present, Ohio finds itself indebted to the extent of $17,- 000,000 for the Foundation program. The December distribution of state funds is very much in doubt. Dayton is supposed to receive $240,000 from that source. If this money is received, there is every pos- sibility that it will be in the form of certificates. Banks have been advised not to loan money on these certificates. Under the School Foundation program it is necessary to keep the schools open for 180 days to receive the full benefits. To have these 180 days, it would be necessary to go into debt $387,000. With one exception the board has opined that it will not do so. Many are saying that the 1938 school budget is out of line. The following table gives the facts: Actual Operating Number of Expenses School Days Enrollment 1931-32 $3,178,508.39 190 33,427 1934-35 2,399,477.14 180 34,970 1938-39 2,825,000.00 160 34,074 Just before the recent election the Taxation Committee of the Dayton Property Owners’ Association placed a political advertisement in the local papers in which it was shown that school operating costs have been gradually rising since 1918. Nothing was said about the fact that the enrollment had shown a rise in that time or that during that period the state had passed a law stating that the school boards shall provide free textbooks. In this advertisement it was not shown that it costs Dayton only $68 per year to educate the average public- school pupil. The same average cost for the United States is $78. It was not shown that Dayton is paying $11 per person to send its elementary-school children to classes while Cincinnati is paying $18 and other cities in Ohio a similar amount. It was not shown that it has been impos- sible for Dayton to conduct schools on a ten-month term since 1930. They did not show that Dayton has had to eliminate free kindergartens, night schools, supervisory staff, and use of the public buildings, and place a reduc- tion of 50 per cent on the purchase of school supplies. In the school year 1930-31, Dayton teachers received pay for thirty-eight weeks instead of the normal forty. Although advised that they, to thirty-one weeks. In that year, also, there was a 10 per cent over-all cut in salaries. This, plus the time lost, meant a total of 42% per cent off the normal ten months’ pay. In 1932-33, there was an additional 5 per cent over-all cut, with a school term of only eight months and two weeks. This meant a 15 per cent salary cut, besides six weeks’ less pay time. In 1933-34, a graduated cut was substituted for the over- all salary reduction—the cut being made 10 per cent on lower salary brackets and 15 per cent on higher salaries. Again the school term was only eight and one-half months. In 1934-35, conditions were the same as in the pre- ceding year—a salary reduction of from 10 to 15 per cent. In 1935-36, there were again eight and one-half months of school with the same salary cuts as in the two preceding years. In that year the schools opened three weeks late and closed three weeks early. In 1936-37, the schools started two weeks late, but shortened vacations made it pos- the teachers, were legally able to collect for sible to get in nine months’ work. The these two weeks’ pay, they preferred to con- PUBLIC SCHOOL graduated salary cuts were still in effect. sider this as their personal contribution to the schools. In 1931-32, the actual time of instruction totaled only seven months and three weeks. In the autumn of 1931 the schools opened on a basis of Monday, Wednesday, and Friday instruction in high schools and half days in the elementary schools. That cur- tailment, together with the fact that the schools closed in May, shortened the term In 1937-38, the school term again was nine months. A restoration of one third of the salary was voted in the spring of 1937, effective September 1. Restoration of the remaining two thirds was voted by the board prior to the September opening of schools, but it was made effective January 1. These restorations were approved at a time when business was still on the upgrade. Similar restorations had been made earlier in the 4 . eee ee, THE AMERICAN TEACHER TREC OPT FP CER 2 » VS ORNS ee sien Cts kt city government and in many lines of private business. The fact that the school term had not been restored to the normal ten months’ basis left the teachers with four weeks’ less pay than had been customary up to 1930. Thus, the teacher still had the equivalent of a 10 per cent salary reduction. Now, school pupils have lost forty-four weeks of school in the past seven years. Earlier in this article it was stated that there was one member of the school board who disagreed with the new policy of pay-as-you-go. Upon the closing of schools, this member, Richard L. Withrow, immediately prepared a petition to the Common Pleas Judge Null M. Hodapp in which he sought and received a temporary restraining order to prevent the closing of the educational system and a mandamus which would force the board to resume classes. The board, however, ignored this charge, since it did not solve the financial problem. As a result, the Judge ordered the board members, except Withrow, Superin- tendent Emerson H. Landis, and the Clerk-Treasurer, served with a citation for contempt of court. It was at the first hearing that the Judge made every attempt to show that the sin was with the board of education. Just prior to the hearing Mr. Withrow made the state- ment that 90 per cent of the Dayton teachers would be willing to teach in anticipation of salary payments in the future. He also said, “We have some bolsheviks in our teaching force who have come out flatfooted and refused to teach. . . .” In the meantime, Governor Martin L. Davey was asked to convene a special session of the legislature, to care for the emergency in which many schools in Ohio find them- selves. This he would not do. The signs of the times were pointing to the election of a new governor from the party of the opposition. He could see no good reason for making an easier path for the later governor-elect John W. Bricker. Even though facing the contempt of court charges, the majority of the board members stood adamant. Several, along with Landis, stated that they would go to jail before they would reopen schools with these charges hanging over their heads. Again the opposition commenced to see that placing the board members in jail would not put money in the treasury with which to start schools. Even an injunction by a court could not make bricks without the straw. At the second hearing, three proposals were up for agreement: 1. Withdrawal of the contempt charges. (This was done.) 2. Upholding of a statement by the entire group con- cerned that the board’s closing of schools was proper. 3. Immediate mass meeting of all the teachers and principals of the fifty-two schools for the purpose of formulating an opinion. Withrow admitted that the funds for the operating expenses were not only all gone, but there was a deficit of NOVEMBER, 1938 se $62,000. It was agreed that a considerable part of school funds is earmarked by state law for bond retirement and interest, maintenance, and construction of buildings, and purchase of free textbooks. These funds could not legally be used for operation. On November 2, 1010 teachers and principals met at the National Cash Register auditorium to give their ap- proval to the pay-as-you-go policy of the board. Three teachers voted against the plan; one teacher did not vote. They said, “We accepted the drastic reductions in pay and heavy increases in the amount of work to be done because we thought it was our duty to serve the children at all costs. Now we have come to believe we were mistaken in our hopes of helping the children by these substantial gifts from our modest earnings. Instead of helping the children, as we thought, our practice actually has been harmful to them in the long run.” The next step was to dismiss the case from the action of the Common Pleas Court. It was found that Ohio had section 7610-1 in its general code which provides for the handling of an emergency of the city school system by the Probate Court. Thereupon the situation was placed in the lap of Judge William Wiseman of the Probate Court, despite the fact that the county commissioners insisted that they had no money with which to run the schools. The case is resting there. The board has decreed that they will have funds to resume school work on November 21. This action was made possible by reason of the acceleration of certain local tax collections. The board of education says that it has insufficient money to run the schools. The majority of the Dayton people say there is enough. Dayton says the State of Ohio must provide. Governor Davey says help yourself. Public education must be paid for if high standards are to be maintained not only in Dayton but in the United States. @ STANLEY F. ATWOOD Lu about us are issues of the most momentous impor- tance. Prodigious economic forces are shaping the destinies of individuals and nations. Our best minds are wrestling, almost in desperation, with the reshaping of society. Science is creating agencies which will either elevate human life or utterly destroy it. Surely one might presume that the schools, an institution provided by society to preserve society, would find it their most urgent mission to convey to all children a sense of these economic realities, and a wisdom concerning them. What else could it mean to be educated? But it is not being done! The curriculum of the past, and to a great extent of today, is traditional rather than rational. We inherited it from the schools of ancient Greece and Rome whose chief objective was the training of orators. Like the curriculum of ancient times its main emphasis is upon linguistic ability and abstract academic learnings rather than upon purposeful activities pertaining to the present. Recent decades have seen the injection into the curriculum of modern history and science. In each case the price of admission has been adherence to the linguistic abstractions of the traditional academician. This tendency fitted perfectly into the desire of our economic royalists to preserve their advantageous economic position. Consequently, the present-day curriculum is inexcusably out of touch with the economic realities of our modern world. The continued existence of any society is dependent upon the intelligent adaptation of existing institutions to the changes inherent in a dynamic world. If the school is to fulfill its responsibility to society we must constantly revise our curriculum to provide school-directed experience that will lead to immediate and continuously progressive adjust- ment of the child within a changing society. What is being done in the State of Washington? The State of Washington, like most states of the Union, issues a course of study. While there is no objection to a course of study that furnishes the general guide lines to insure scope and sequence to the curriculum of the entire state, all too often teachers lacking in initiative choose to regard it as a Holy Bible that must be followed down to the last comma and period. This situation will prevail in the face of local learning situations that are crying for atten- tion and which could not possibly be included in a state course of study. The situation was particularly aggravated in our state due to the fact that a new course of study had been formulated just before the depression awakened the teachers to the Curriculum Revision in Washington need of new content in the curriculum if the school was to keep pace with the rapid changes in our national life. In December, 1935, the school administrators of the state, motivated by the activities of the National Society for the Study of the Curriculum, recognized the need for revision of the curriculum by appointing a curriculum commission composed of fifteen school administrators to study the problem. The work of this commission was carried on voluntarily without financial support by the state. In May, 1937, the curriculum commission, in coopera- tion with the State Department of Education, published a plan designed to stimulate curriculum revision on a state- wide basis. The four principles to guide the work of curriculum revision included: 1. A definition of the curriculum as “school-directed experience leading to immediate and continuously progressive adjust- ment of the child to a changing society.” 2. Children’s experiences are more vital when they are related to present issues, situations, events, and problems. 3. The success of curriculum revision will rest upon the degree to which classroom teachers realize the need for and participate in the program. 4. The curriculum is not something static but something which is growing with life and as there are changes in our social and economic life so must the curriculum change to meet the demands of the social body. The plan included definite machinery to facilitate the work of curriculum revision. Briefly stated, the plan provides for a regional curriculum committee in each of ten geographical areas of the state. This regional committee will direct curriculum activities within its own region. Each level of the school will be repre- sented on the regional committee and it is planned that some member of the curriculum commission will be directly in touch with the work of each regional committee. It is expected that this committee will organize small conference groups for discussion of curriculum problems which may be initiated by the local group itself or which may be submitted to them by the regional committee or by the state curriculum commission. The regional committee will serve as a clearing house for the activities of the local groups within the region. The regional committee will also serve as a medium through which these activities will be reported to the state curriculum commission. In turn, a report of the various regional activi- ties will be made available by the curriculum commission to the entire state by means of the Washington Curriculum Journal. This is a thirty-six-page printed publication issued quarterly. —a _ 14 THE AMERICAN TEACHER — mee 1 le we = — Se "e eas ci ie se Ss The principles enunciated as a basis for the program are democratic principles that should stand up in practice and lead to real progress. The recognition of the importance of the classroom teachers to any program of real curriculum revision is particularly encouraging and speaks well for the enlightened viewpoint of the members of the curriculum commission. Already an awakening interest and confidence in their ability is discernible among the rank-and-file teach- ers of the state. The encroachment by local pressure groups upon the academic freedom of the individual teacher will undoubtedly hamper any tendency to change the content of the curricu- lum. Consequently curriculum revision of the present type, while it is a step in the right direction, will never be com- pletely effective until every possible safeguard is provided to protect the teacher in her exercise of the academic freedom that is so essential if the curriculum is to keep pace with a changing society. A. F. of L. Resolution on Federal Aid With the changes through which our nation grew from world colonies to a world power together with unparalleled technical change revolutionizing our work customs and standards of liv- ing, has come need for adapting our practices in dealing with public and social problems. A nation even with far-spread boundaries has been able to integrate its public life by rapid transportation and quick communications even with mass groups. A nation functioning as a unit naturally thinks of its educa- tional problems as of national concern and is mindful of the necessity for maintaining equal educational opportunity for all the citizens of this democracy. Education lays the basis for overcoming economic and social handicaps in backward states. Only federal grants can overcome existing obstacles in those areas where average incomes are lowest. With this fundamental thesis the American Federation of Labor is in full accord. We are equally convinced that federal grants should in no way interfere with local determination of local educational policies. The Advisory Committee’s recommendations rest upon this premise also, leaving to the states the determination of what is a public education institution as well as control over educa- tional policies. Regular and prescribed accounting to the Office of Education together with conferences for discussion of experi- ence are reasonable and practicable safeguards for such expendi- tures of federal funds. A bill was drafted incorporating the recommendations of the President’s Advisory Committee. The American Federation of Labor approved the general purposes of the measure and drafted amendments to those sections of the bill dealing with vocational education which we hope to have incorporated. We believe further that control of the allocation of these federal grants should follow the traditional democratic principles that are edu- cational tradition inseparable from our public-school system. Decisions on policies should be in the hands of representative agencies. Citizens should decide fundamental policies through their representatives.! Your committee notes with gratification the progress re- ported in the Executive Council’s Report in planning for better and more adequate educational opportunities for all. We realize that the future welfare of our nation depends upon our ability to plan and provide the kind of educa- tional facilities that will enable each one of us to meet the problems of our daily obligations and to grow to the full- ness of our stature. The proud claim of the labor move- ment is that we were instrumental in the establishment of our public-school policy and that we have a continuing J ae of the Proceedings of the American Federation of Labor, 1938, NOVEMBER, 1938 responsibility for the development and betterment of edu- cational opportunities for all. The creation of the President’s Advisory Committee on Vocational Education, which was expanded into the Ad- visory Committee on Education grew out of organized la- bor’s protests against misdirection and abuses in vocational education. As it was impossible to make recommendations for vocational education without at the same time consider- ing what the national education plan should be, additional scope was given the President’s Committee. The basic recommendation of this Committee as reported by our Ex- ecutive Council is federal grants-in-aid for education. With the wide variation in average incomes for the citizens of New York, Pennsylvania, and California from those pre- vailing in Alabama, Mississippi, and Arkansas, it is im- possible to provide equal educational opportunities for all so long as these low income states must depend upon their own resources. Labor knows also that labor standards are depressed in these low income areas because many boys and girls are not given the education that would make them more resourceful and alert to opportunities for betterment. The key to raising all standards in these economically de- pressed areas is to provide them with the same educational opportunities existing in the wealthier communities. The result will be to raise economic as well as social standards. We recommend reaffirmation by this convention of the principle of federal grants-in-aid to public schools together with a national education plan which would put an end to those wide differences in educational opportunities for our people who live in the forty-eight states of the Union. Equal opportunities however are not identical opportunities, but each individual should be afforded opportunity to develop his talents and abilities to live and contribute to society. Such opportunities must be varied and liberal in content. We commend therefore the principles as set forth in the substitute measure for the Harrison-Fletcher bill, only on condition that the amendments? recommended by the Ameri- can Federation of Labor are embodied in the new measure. 2Amendments recommended were for an Advisory Citizen’s Committee on Education, a Federal Advisory Committee on Vocational Education, maintenance of protective provisions and minimum standards, and adminis- tration committees for states and localities. Education for Democracy @ KERMIT EBY MERICANS pride themselves on their democratic A form of government, their guarantees of civil lib- erty, and their freedom from class consciousness. Few realize the years of struggle, beginning with the Magna Carta and continuing through the Petition of Rights and Bill of Rights, which made our heritage possible. Fewer still have read the arguments of Locke, Rousseau, and Mon- tesquieu for the democratic method. As a result, the evolu- tionary aspect of democracy is often lost, and a satisfied insistence on the status quo results. There is nothing new in such an attitude. The Barons who opposed King John in turn opposed further grants of liberty. The Whig business men and Puritans who be- headed Charles I as a tyrant opposed the right of suffrage for the worker. Full suffrage did not come in England until after the Reform Bills of 1832, 1867, and 1884. The same struggle was duplicated in America; the Negro is still not allowed to vote in many states. Today we are face to face with the fact that universal political suffrage is not enough. In any social evolution there must be an impetus. In earlier days, much was written about the rights of political man. Today the emphasis rests on the rights of “economic’”’ man. Then, as now, the groups who risked losses through change objected to each forward move. Persecu- tion of the idealist who seeks to free man is not a new phenomenon. Today the believer in democracy must face the risk of misun- derstanding. This is particu- larly true of the teacher, for as a be- liever in democracy » INDEPENDENCE 16 —o. Tms 1S FAR EROUGH CONSTITUTION he must point out the dangers of economic insecurity and demagogy. As a citizen he must work to preserve the right of free discussion and political action; for the elimination of the injustices on which revolution feeds. By doing so, he often finds himself criticized for exceeding his function as a teacher. The risk must be taken, for to do otherwise is to lose our democratic heritage by default. Unfortunately, teachers have not built up a tradi- tion for leadership. In many places they are politi- cally disfranchised by custom and their own ineptness. The first task today is to educate the public to ac- cept teachers as functional citizens. This can be done only by teachers insisting on their rights. Simultaneously with their po- litical liberation, teachers must fight each and every limitation of civil liberties; for it is only through the preservation of the right of 4. TwIS 1s FAR ENOUGH eS ~_ FREE SPEECH-FREE Mitt FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLAGE © free dis- cussion that the democratic method can be pre- served. In order to gain the experi- ence needed in functional democracy, the teacher should participate in his own organizations, form and direct their policies. Finally, he should affiliate for wider activities with those groups who have the same faith and desire the same ends. The most important step is the recognition, on the part of the teacher, that democracy is the expression of a great unattained ideal, the purpose of which is to create a political, FREEDOM OF WORSHIP THE AMERICAN TEACHER FREE Piet economic, and social order which will offer the most com- plete security to man. Freedom is never achieved: it must always be struggled for. Education for democracy does not end with one’s self. The teacher, by the very nature of his task, is committed to the preservation of the demo- cratic ideal in society. Democracy can- not be developed . through autocracy. TMS 15 THIS 15 ‘ ; FAR ENOUGH UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE The teach- er, face to face with his pu- pils, must respect the personality of each pupil; while recognizing the varia- tion in individual ability, each student must be guaranteed the right to develop to the fullest extent of his capacity. Scorn for the students who do not receive the highest mark is not a part of the democratic pattern. Perhaps the finest expression of the ideal is Christ’s teaching concerning the secredness of human personality. If we believed as He did, we would never humiliate; and we would always give help. The best training for democracy in life is democracy in tne classroom. Democracy in the classroom is best ex- fressed by a mutuality of experience in the learning process. Dogmatism and insistence on the teacher’s point of view only indicate the teacher’s intellectual insecurity. The great teachers of all ages and cultures were always humble in the presence of truth and always close in their contact with the students. Only a very little knowledge of the teachings of Christ, Confucius, and Socrates is needed to catch the spirit of their faith. Teaching at its best is always the search for understanding, motivated by a great hunger for truth and a greater idealism. The great teacher is always willing to answer the simplest questions; he never scorns the searching mind. To do so may crush not only the spirit of inquiry but the faith of the student in the honesty and fairness of his teacher as well. If we cannot be patient and fair after years of train- | ABOLITION OF SLAVERY PUBLIC SCHOOLS NOVEMBER, 1938 SOCIAL SECURITY WAGES-HOURS LEGISLATION ing, how can we ex- pect to develop the spirit of fairness in the youth, who will be to- RIGHT OF COLLECTIVE BARGAINING morrow’s citizens? The ex- ample of one individual whose sense of justice is sharp may condition the lives of innumerable people. There is no better training for democracy than free discussion in the classroom. In such a discussion the teacher should act as the guide; each student should be en- couraged to participate and above all to speak frankly. In order to secure frankness, the feeling that marks are in- fluenced by the type of response given must be quickly dis- sipated. Pupils should learn early that they can disagree with the teacher without fear of ultimate punishment. Youth easily senses insecurity and hypocrisy. Good teaching is free from both. When a student asks his teacher a ques- tion, he expects an answer, not an evasion. Answers should always be given honestly as the teacher’s point of view. Inevitably, there will be an influence of the teacher on the pupil. No teacher, worthy of the name, is completely neu- tral, nor need there be an apology for the answer. The finest teaching is the unconscious influence of life on life. Modern educators so often forget that teaching is not only a matter of curricula, or even of equipment, but always at its best the contact of life with life, of spirit with spirit. Freedom and the democratic ideal are often denied when needed most. Freedom of speech, press, and assembly mean little when there is no controversy. During war and eco- nomic unrest, the democratic pattern receives its most severe tests. The temptation in time of crisis to give up liberty for dictatorship is always present. It is this temptation that must be resisted, for it is easier to lose freedom than to regain it; consequently, believers in democracy must be in- sistent in the protection of their fundamental liberties. As already intimated, American economic institutions are being severely tested by the depression and its greatest problem—the insecurity of the unemployed. Many men and groups, varying from the extreme Left to the extreme Right, are appealing to the insecure. The Communists and 17 the Liberty League are both insistent in their willingness to lead us out of our difficulties. Both deserve the same right. Al Smith and Earl Browder have equal claims on our indulgence. There is a great danger in limiting freedom. Deny the right of free speech to a Communist, and you are setting the precedent for denial of the same right to a Socialist or labor organizer. From such denials it is but a short step to one-party government and fascism. Voltaire expressed a great truth when he said, “I wholly disapprove of what you say and will defend to death your right to say it.” Public opinion in a democracy is like yeast. It is de- veloped in the club, church, school, barber shop, and across the back-yard fence. From its humble origin it rises to the top. Under dictatorship opinions are imposed from the top and forced into the channels of communication and thought. In order to function properly, the fermentation process must be kept up; that is, every avenue for public information must be kept open. In time of emergency, the only guarantee for the preservation of democracy is more democracy. Education needs to become a continuous process from birth to death. Every issue which affects society needs to be discussed by the people who are affected. Few of us real- ize the deadly intellectual devastation of repetitive propa- ganda. Modern dictatorship deadens the critical faculties of its citizenry by constant repetition of half-true for- mulas. Advertisers use these techniques. There is only one antidote to such a process, and that is free and con- tinuous discussion. Unless the believers in democracy sense their responsibility and develop the public forum, the apathy of great masses of people whose thinking processes have been standardized may spell our doom. Frankly, now as always, the status quo groups are in- trenching themselves to block the inevitable transition from industrial and economic autocracy to industrial and eco- nomic democracy. Enlightened opinion will not forever accept scarcity in the midst of plenty. If capitalism cannot solve the problems it has created, some other form of economic organization will. Institutions should be our ser- vants, not our masters. The problem of transition is again with us. If we wish to achieve our end by the democracy we praise so highly, we must be willing to continue the process that started when man first looked upward and will only end when the last spirit is unshackled. The freedom that we make secure today will be our guarantee of more freedom tomor- row. If we believe in democracy, we need to carry our belief into action and accept, as always, the risks which come through support of a great ideal. Man lives in his hopes for a better world. It is the vision without which people perish! A. F. of L. Backs A. F. of T. Educational Policies Work HAT member of the Teachers Union has not, at one Wi or another, met the following objections to the union from non-union teachers? “Labor seeks to dictate to the teacher what he shall teach.” “Teachers who affiliate with labor are interested only in the ‘bread and butter’ issues of education and tend to lower the standards of the profession.” “Organized labor is interested in further- ing its particular propaganda in the schools.” Let’s examine the record—the record in this case being the report of the recent convention of the American Federa- tion of Labor. In the first place the convention strongly commended the work of the Educational Policies Committee of the A. F. of T. with the following resolution: The committee . . . commends the Union Teachers of the Nation for attempting to determine in a practical and democratic manner how the public schools and universities may be of greater service in providing for the educational needs of the Nation. The teachers are to be commended for their willingness not only in recognizing their responsibility to the public in the actual work of instructing children, but also in recognizing that the community itself has an inherent right to determine policies and procedures in terms of local needs. The National Educational Policies Committee appreciates this stand not only because of the support which this approval gives to its program, but because the report of the Executive Committee of the American Federation of Labor reveals an outright recognition of the issues of American life and education; namely, that free public education in and of itself is not enough, that local initiation of and responsibility for policy are essential to a democratic school system, and that our schools are the bulwark of American democracy which is now threatened by the rise of totali- tarianism throughout the world. Furthermore, the report gives abundant evidence of a progressive educational policy at a time when few non-professional organizations either realize the need for or demand a program of education for democracy. The Educational Policies Committee sought to remind those interested in education through its call to locals and its report to the 1938 A. F. of T. convention that free public education could not be taken for granted nor was it enough. Members of the A. F. of T. need not be reminded here of the precarious financing of schools, of the threats to newer school methods and subjects, or that dictatorships use free public education systems for bolstering and preserving the power of a fascist-military state over the people. Therefore, we urged a program using platform, press, and radio to raise the issues and to excite and involve public interest in the problem of our educational system and in the necessity of local initiation and development of educational policy. On this issue the A. F. of L. convention stated “that the point of view of the lay citizen is quite as important in determining the quality and character of education as is the educator. THE AMERICAN TEACHER This relationship between the statutory body and the volun- tary agency so necessary to preserve our system of democ- racy, is equally indispensable in relating the educational profession with the community.” Organized labor (continues the A. F. of L. report) played a leading role in the establishment of our free public school system in America. . . . Labor recognizes that the changes in our con- temporary society have made new demands upon the schools. . . . The more complex our democratic society becomes, the greater the need for education as a protection for democratic government. The spread of totalitarianism is accompanied by the suppression of knowledge and the complete subservience of the individual to the state; democracy demands diffusion of knowledge and the training of children for full and free participation in the affairs of society. Your committee recognizes the important service which or- ganized teachers, in cooperation with labor, can play in protecting the school from political control and in providing proper standards of education. We are of one mind in our belief that school boards should represent all the people and that labor is entitled to ade- quate representation. No group, class or organization, moreover, should dominate the schools—not even the organized educators themselves. The schools belong to all the people of the nation and are a responsibility of all the people who constitute our Democracy. The convention unanimously adopted a resolution urging all its affiliated locals to assist the National Educational Policies Committee of the A. F. of T.: “Resolved: That the American Federation of Labor urge all affiliated bodies to cooperate with officers or committees of local teachers unions in their program of determining how the schools may be of greater service to the nation and how to provide for more adequate training for citizenship in a democracy ; and be it further “Resolved: That all local labor bodies through their com- mittees on education assist locals of the American Federation of Teachers in promoting a school system which is repre- sentative of the needs of the American people, effective in preserving true democratic government, and free from political control and exploitation.” With this, the attitude of labor, and the instructions of the conventions to local labor bodies each local of the A. F. of T. should launch now its community campaign to extend and enrich democratic education and to widen educa- tional opportunity. The committee proposed that this be done by establishing a speakers’ bureau to discuss the problems of democratic education before interested labor, civic, service, fraternal, church, and student groups. It further proposed that this discussion raise the issues of American life and education and invite criticisms and sug- gestions as to what the schools should be doing to prepare people to meet these problems. The next step taken by each local of the A. F. of T. that has not already done so should be to approach the president of the central labor council asking its endorsement and a letter of introduction to locals in order that they may be canvassed for an opportunity to appear before them. The Madison local reports great success in this direction and has proceeded from this first step to several others, including getting the cooperation of the Public Library in a display of public-school textbooks, the setting up of a NOVEMBER, 1938 labor reading room, addition of more labor journals on the magazine shelf, and a “large conference between towns- people, union members, city librarians, members of the library board, and the local’s educational committee.” The Madison program has had results of importance to the schools and the community at large. The Madison Capital Times has assigned a reporter to the committee and has to date given great publicity to the findings of the groups studying textbooks. In the words of the Capital Times, “Many of the textbooks being used in Madison’s junior and senior high schools are filled with propaganda which glorifies big business, defends practically all types of monopolistic and corporate practices, and greatly exaggerates the oppor- tunities for promotion and success for all workers in modern industry and business.” There are reports of progress in launching similar cam- paigns from New York, Philadelphia, and Chicago. Cin- cinnati has written for help and specific suggestions. Each local of the A. F. of T. must assume its responsibility for a local program or the plan of the National Educational Policies Committee can never have the national consequences which are inherent in its program. WANDA TAESCHNER Vocational Education Aided by A. F. of L. HE American Federation of Labor, ever aware of the needs of vocational education and ever vigilant of some of the problems involved, undoubtedly would have considered phases of vocational education without the help of the American Federation of Teachers. However, it was significant and it should be satisfying to members of the A. F. of T. that the resolution on voca- tional education, passed by the A. F. of T. at Cedar Point and forwarded to the convention of the A. F. of L., was accepted in principle at Houston, Texas, as Resolution Number 65. The preamble of the resolution pointed out some of the beliefs (sometimes not based upon facts) which have caused the present increased demand for vocational educa- tion: the reduced number of skilled workers from abroad; the decline of the number of apprentices in training during the depression period; the false belief that unemployment can be decreased if the number of trained workers is in- creased. The preamble further contained a statement that for a school system to be truly democratic, it “should in- clude vocational education for all types of young people whether they plan to go into the professions or into the skilled trades.” It is the several items of the resolution itself that should prove of permanent help and value to all locals of inter- nationals affiliated with the American Federation of Labor 19 as well as to locals of the American Federation of Teachers, for in them are described certain desirable conditions which should be met by present programs of vocational education and by those contemplated for the future. Each item can be used as a criterion or standard against which unions can check the present condition of their local vocational-educational program and thus ascertain whether or not the desirable standard is met. Because these several items of the resolution have value for study classes and committee work of local unions, they are given here in full: Resolved, That the American Federation of Labor urge its affiliated bodies to study their local programs of vocational education and to attempt to mold the local program in keeping with the best scientific practice and the ideals of education, including: 1. A scientific survey of occupations should precede the selection of the vocational subjects to be taught and should be carried on continuously to prevent the training of persons in obsolete jobs. 2. The vocational training program should be built up slowly through experimentation and scientific study, with employers, workers, teachers, and others in the community cooperating. It should always be flexible and subject to change. 3. The vocational training should be placed close to the terminal of the young person’s general education, should not be a sub- stitute for it, nor should it be longer than is necessary to gain the desired skills. This warning is necessary because young per- sons are not acceptable to industry and business in many instances until 17 or 18 years of age and because it is recalled that the bulk of the semi-skilled and unskilled jobs require but a few weeks’ or a few months’ training. 4. Guidance (vocational as well as educational, including classes in occupations) based upon the best known practice should pre- cede the transfer to vocational courses and continue through to placement. 5. The vocational courses must be accredited so far as their academic subjects are concerned in order that the students may transfer back to the general and technical courses which permit of entrance to college, without loss of academic credits. 6. Teachers of academic subjects included in the vocational courses should meet the requirements established for teachers in the general academic courses. For those teaching the vocational subjects, rules and regulations should be established on a regular, civil service promotional basis, although it is recognized that it is necessary that different training and experience requirements be established. 7. Vocational education must include not only vocational sub- jects and their related materials such as science and mathematics, but also further and adequate studies in the English language, social science, and other cultural subjects. 8. The expansion of vocational education must be guarded by clear thinking and honest and open discussion by all involved. Study groups and committees of local unions can serve a real function by gathering objective data on each one of the eight items of the resolution. They can ascertain whether a scientific study of occupations has been made or is being used; whether specialists in the community are being consulted before a program of vocational educa- tion is started or expanded; at what age young people are given vocational training; what the nature of the training is and for how long it is given. They can investigate to see whether guidance is given and if it is, whether it is ade- quate and scientific. They can study the crediting of courses, the accrediting of teachers, and the nature of the 20 a entire offerings given young persons who are taking voca- tional training. If they are watching the situation closely, they will be able to tell whether the development of voca- tional education is secretive, so that hidden pressure groups may function, or open, filled with the scientific spirit and with a consideration of the interests of young people and the entire community. Research and study of the local situation will reveal whether the standards set up in the resolution prevail. If the study should reveal undesirable conditions the unions can then proceed to action with the facts in hand. That the American Federation of Labor believes that the local bodies of its affiliated internationals should study the situation is shown by its publication of a helpful pamphlet, A Guide for Vocational Education, based upon a series of articles published this past year in The American Federationist. The emphasis throughout the pamphlet is the need to know what is happening in the local com- munities. To assist in gathering facts a series of questions is included. Enlightened watchfulness is essential to prevent betrayal of young people such as that found by the American Fed- eration of Labor when Smith-Hughes funds had “been given schools located wholly within private industrial plants and operated in a manner which seriously affected wage earners, not only tending to overcrowd certain skilled trades, but in other ways to lower prevailing wages in these skilled trades, thereby increasing unemployment as well as lowering standards of living.’ The Education Committee of the American Federation of Labor, while agreeing in principle with the resolution as presented by the American Federation of Teachers, in- sisted that “labor’s welfare requires in connection with every school or vocational classroom, an advisory commit- tee consisting of equal representation of labor and manage- ment.”* No definition is given of management but using the usual connotation of the word, one might insert inter- ested employing groups. If labor is insisting upon equal representation with employers, it is failing to answer just what portion of the labor representation shall be teachers, whose interest and concern in this field cannot be ques- tioned. There can be no doubt that advisory committees are essential to the adequate functioning of certain branches of government. The question is not whether ad- visory committees shall exist but rather whether these advisory committees shall be made a battleground of con- flicting forces and vested interests, or whether they shall be so constituted that they will be concerned with the larger aspects of needs of young people and the welfare of the community, and whether in them will prevail compe- tency, expertness, and scientific procedures. FLORENCE CLARK 1Report of the Proceedings of the American Federation of Labor, 1938, p. 324. 2Ibid, p. 492. THE AMERICAN TEACHER PAPE TOY te Swe ® ~— +--+ —_—— —— mong the New Books YOUTH TELL THEIR STORY, by Howarp M. BEL. Washington: American Council on Education. 273 pages. $1.50. HE problems of American youth in this period of social- T economic maladjustment have never been so compre- hensively and effectively set forth as by the young folk, themselves, in Youth Tell Their Story. Here are basic raw materials for use by “planners” who would improve the quality of American social life. Here, likewise, is a vital challenge to educators with social consciousness and vision. Youth Tell Their Story is the report of a sociological sur- vey of the conditions and attitudes of the youth of Mary- land. Its data were obtained by trained investigators through interviews with 13,528 young people between the ages of 16 and 24. The interviewees were selected in propor- tionate numbers from every type of community, social- economic stratum, and race. “Youth from cities, towns, villages, and the open country; young people from exclusive country clubs, middle-class neighborhoods, and blighted areas; students from colleges, high schools, vocational and parochial schools, along with young people who have never gone to school—all these were given their place in the com- posite picture of the younger generation of Maryland.” There can be no doubt of this sample’s representativeness of Maryland’s 250,000 youth. Further, as is demonstrated in the record, there is good reason to assume that the young people of this study are typical American youth. In scope, Youth Tell Their Story comprises an analysis of the conditions and experiences of young people in their homes, at school, at work, at play, and in the church, to- gether with their attitudes toward many social problems, especially the “youth problem.” It is a definite analysis, whose conclusions are buttressed by the abundant data of nearly 100 clear, simple tables, strikingly portrayed by nearly two dozen figures and over three dozen pictorial graphs, and richly “flavored” by scores of direct quotations from the young people themselves. The story they tell illuminates vividly the basic problems of our age. The general picture here revealed is one of extreme and “undemocratic” inequalities in educational opportunity; of a large and significant population group “stranded,” with nothing to do, between school and gainful employment; of serious exploitation in “dead-end” jobs for many of those who are employed; of neglected health; of ineffective schools; and of youthful cynicism, far too common defeat- ism, and a certain naiveté with regard to the major problems NOVEMBER, 1938 of our times. That story cannot be summarized here, though certain of its implications merit comment. The one outstanding truth revealed by this survey of American youth, in fact, its constantly recurring theme, is “a striking concurrence of social and economic forces that tends to freeze social levels and groups into a sort of per- ennial status quo.” The disproportionately large number of sons and daughters of low-income families enjoy few or no home conveniences, lack hygienic care, are compelled by their economic circumstances to leave school in the early grades and seek employment. Such employment as they find is usually in “dead-end,” low-income jobs. Their resultant poverty comes, in turn, to be associated with many children, few home conveniences, limited educa- tional opportunity for their offspring—and so the cycle re- peats. Inthewordsoftheauthor: “What it seems to amount to is a sort of vicious circle of economic determinism.” This evidence of class stratification should be of great con- cern for all who still hope to achieve democracy in America. Obviously one vital need of America is far-reaching and fundamental planning for an imperiled younger generation which alone can give birth to our hope for a democratic land. There is also clear evidence here that our schools, particu- larly our hide-bound secondary schools, have failed dismally to function as a genuine and constructive force in the lives of large groups of youth. Again to quote the report: “Our data suggest that many schools are so organized at present that young people have to go through the whole school pro- gram [which their economic circumstances commonly pre- vent] before they can be led to see any genuine value in it. This inevitably creates a sense of inadequacy among the majority of young people who drop out shortly after com- pletion of the elementary school. The answer is the develop- ment of educational programs so closely related to everyday living that each school year, instead of being a means to some more or less remote end, becomes in fact an end in itself.” This indictment of the ineptness of our educational | LEARNING programs is completely merited. Here, in Youth Tell Their Story, are fundamental curriculum materials for those who would build a truly vital school. Howard University Doxey A. WILKERSON x** WERE WE GUINEA PIGS? by the Crass or 1938, Unt- versITY HicH ScuHoot, The Ohio State University. New York: Henry Holt. 303 pages. $2.00. 5 ew is a narrative and an evaluation of their educa- tion by the members of the graduating class of the University High School of Ohio State University. It covers six years of the students’ lives, beginning with the seventh grade, when the school started, and closing with graduation. For the writers there “was one out- standing reason for our writing a book. Our school is often misunderstood . . . so many attacks are made: ‘You do not have the fundamentals,’ ‘You are the guinea pigs of progressive theories of education,’ . . . ‘You talk and talk but never do anything,’ . . . ‘You are all problem chil- dren.’” In order to answer these attacks and to explain the school, the class decided to write a book. The book refutes these criticisms. Fifty-five high-school seniors worked together, without teacher supervision, to produce an intelligible, detailed, sincere account of their years in school. The fundamentals are there, it represents much more than talk, the workers are sane, and as for being guinea pigs, the authors seemed to be much less like guinea pigs than the recipients of the usual curriculum. It’s pleasant irony to find that the results of “experimenta- tion” seem more valuable and tangible than the results of the “tried and proven.” How could fifty-five young people manage such an enter- prise? Surely, one feels, after reading the foreword, teach- ers were hovering in the background, suggesting and stimu- lating, criticizing and pushing. For it’s a big job—three hundred pages—with many photographs and drawings. The contents of the book, the school experiences in the backgrounds of the writers, explain why it was possible. The first day of school in seventh grade the class with the teacher started planning for itself—planned what it wanted to study, how the study should be carried on and what the outcomes would be. From the first day of school to the last, committees were formed and put to work on the projects decided upon. In fact group planning, individual and committee activities, reports back to the group run through the school years like reinforcement rods in con- crete. Most of the studies and activities were close to the lives of the children. English, social studies, science, and the arts contributed to making their “house a home,” the dominant activity in the seventh grade. In furnishing the home economics suite, materials had to be tested, books had to be bought, decorations and furnishings decided upon and bought or made. This led to a study of the community in the eighth grade, particularly those aspects centering around transportation, communication, and public utilities. In the high-school years the unification of all the subjects broke down to a certain extent but all the classes tied in closely with the needs and interests of the students, with what was going on in other subjects and what had gone on before. In the eleventh year we find the social- studies class divided into two groups. One was the “Prob- lems Group” in which each person chose a particular problem that interested him and “in studying this modern subject ‘swooped down into the pond of history’ for the historical facts which he needed to complete his story.” The other group studied United States history chronologic- ally. The work of both groups was aimed at helping to formulate a picture of “the good society.”” During this year the English classes were concerned with trying to get an understanding of the authors of the books they were reading and trying to get a picture of the periods that produced the authors. Separate groups studied Shakespeare, modern drama, poetry. Representative records reveal a great quan- tity of reading, wide range both as regards type and period, and deepening maturity as the years go by. In the field of composition “each group decided the amount of writing per quarter and when it would be due.” Attention to the mechanical aspects of composition was largely individual. In science the study of the human body with particular emphasis on reproduction seemed to be the dominant note. Mathematics was concerned with the discipline of thinking and utilized current advertisements, news reports, and speeches. Perhaps this more or less random sampling has given an idea of the fabric of the authors’ school lives. These young people have lived in a Utopia. They come from homes with a median income of more than five thou- sand dollars a year, are sons and daughters of parents, most of whom have gone to college. Eighty per cent of their mothers are “home makers.” Their school, though crowded in the last years, is magnificently equipped with shops, studios, movable furniture and a large gym, theatre, and libraries. Their teachers were highly trained and care- fully selected. With them the pupils encountered reason, understanding, and encouragement. A feeling of “we” and “ours” pervaded the school. Their future is relatively secure. With their backgrounds, with the college educa- tion in store for them, they are in a position to occupy favored positions in life. One feels that though their social education within the school was complete, their par- ticipation in the life of the community, as revealed by THE AMERICAN TEACHER ORDER BY NUMBER FROM AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS 506 SOUTH WABASH AVENUE CHICAGO, ILLINOIS NOVEMBER, 1938 31 PRIZE CONTEST Under the Auspices ot The American Federation of Teachers Open to Every High School Student in America On The Subject: Organized Labor - America’s Problem or Opportunity? First Prize: . . . . . . One Hundred and Twenty-five Dollars or aid toward visiting the World's Fair in New York, if preferred. Second Prize: .. . . . Seventy-five Dollars Third Prize: . ... . . Fifty Dollars Fourth Prize: . « « « « Twenty-five Dollars Conditions of the Contest: Each contestant must submit a me paper of from 1500 to 3000 words (5 to 10 typewritten pages) on the subject: Organized Labor—America’s Problem or Opportunity? Each paper must carry the name and address of the contestant and the name and address of the high school he attends. Contestants must send their manuscripts to: CONTEST DEPARTMENT AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS 506 South Wabash Ave., Chicago, IIl. Manuscripts which do not reach this office by March 31, 1939, are in- eligible for the contest. Manuscripts will not be returned. The American Federation of Teachers reserves the right to publish any papers submitted. JUDGES— Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt William Green, President, American Federation of Labor Jerome Davis, President, American Federation of Teachers