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Labor and Schools 


| a in Contemporary Society 
Francis J. Gorman 





Pennsylvania Wins Tenure - - - - - - - Sara T. Walsh 
The Social Security Act - - - - - + Dorothy W. Douglas 
Practical Democracy in Education - - - - Irvin R. Kuenzli 
aerate Answering Objections to the A.F.T. - - - Harold C. Hand 
J eee te # For the Right to Organize - - - - - - - Paul W. Preisler 


PR RRR = mage 


. | SR : Harvard’s Liberalism 
| Hhigsnen fy) MBE Symposium on Organization 
7 ; Convention Call 








_|| E32 «== OFFICIAL ORGAN of the AMERICAN FEDERATION of TEACHERS 














| 





— 


A Request for Reader Opinion 


(See Editorial) 




















1. THE AMERICAN TEACHER now appears bi- 



















: Issue at same Change frequency of 

monthly during the school year. How fre- : 
quently should it appear in the future? frequency issue as follows 
(Check in first column or write suggestion in 
second column.) 

2. The present number of pages is usually 40. 
How many pages should it contain in the - number Change number of 
future? (Directions as above.) oF pages pages as follows 








































3. Our present departments are listed below. Check in column A those departments you read; in column 
B, those departments you like; in column C, those departments you believe should be omitted in the 
future. In column D, indicate any suggested modification of present departments you believe desirable. 
(Other comments concerning present departments, or suggestions for additional departments, may be 
listed in question 6.) 





A. De- B. De- C. Omit D. Change departments 
partments | partments | __ these de- as noted below 
read liked partments 
in future 





Editorials 

President’s Page 

The Classroom 

It’s Happening Now 

Teachers’ Union in Action: 
National News 

Teachers’ Union in Action: 
News from Locals 

Among the New Books 

Labor Notes 

Correspondence 

Leading Union Labels 

Contributors’ Column 



























































4. To what subjects should we give more attention? 











5. To what subjects should we give less attention? - 





6. Please add any comment which you believe will constructively aid the Editors in future work.__ 


























Name Local No 
Street Office held in local 
City 


Please mail this form to Celia Lewis, Secretary, Board of Editors, 8 West 16 Street, New York City. 


























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listed on page 2. The Board of Editors asks A.F.T. mem- 


™ AMERICAN TEACHER 





MAY-JUNE, 1937 


NUMBER 5 





VOLUME XXI 

ConTENTS 
Practical Democracy in Education.............. Irvin R. Kuensli 6 
I EEC LE EOL OE OO AT TET TT 7 


Labor and Schools in Contemporary Society. ..Francis J. Gorman 9 
Symposium on Organization 


Pennsylvania Teachers Organize ............... Martin Rugg 12 

TL . c2ntceeenseccdscenscendessoters Local 453 13 

Help From Trade Unionists ................ Hugh De Lacey 14 

i COD. occcccccccercccsesevcseces Mary Herrick 14 

i 6 im tensed gatedeseseneend David H. Pierce 15 
iS ccduccenssbbedeeckeedes seceocceuscosesee 1S 
For the Right to Organize.................... Paul W. Preisler 17 
The Social Security Act.................4.. Dorothy W. Douglas 18 
Pennsylvania Wins Tenure.....................- Sara T. Walsh 19 
The Pennsylvania Tenure Law.......... 2.0.2.6... .eeeeeeeeeees 21 
Answering Objections to the A.F.T.............. Harold C. Hand 22 
Rules Relating to Membership in the A.F.T..................... 39 
ED +05 5% Leudaberendduessebdenecerdeeecseveetss 40 

DEPARTMENTS 

ee es hued ip erenenesesesees 3 
Leading Union Labels—Fourth Series. ..................2-0000: 11 
ei ie beac sneeennckedawnas shoes 16 
EEE ee ae eT 5 ee 24 
es ie a ees anda seeces thes aad 26 
It's Happening Now..... SES gh SEE EEE Te ee ee ee een, 27 
The Teachers Union in Action. ................200-c00cceeceee 29 
SE Se ee 33 
— ERREENE ST 2 SE ee 35 
I ele Nc cobkhcdvecteacestasees 37 








A Request for Within two weeks after the appearance 
Reader Opinion of this last AMERICAN TEACHER of the 

current season, the Board of Editors 
will prepare its report to the annual convention of the 
A.F.T., and will include recommendations for future issues 
of the magazine. . . . During the time that the present 
Board of Editors has been in office, it has endeavored 
Steadfastly to make THe AMERICAN TEACHER a readable 
and effective instrument of A.F.T. policy. To help better 
gauge the degree to which these efforts are succeeding, it 
is necessary to determine the answer to certain questions 





bers taking a lively interest in this publication to indicate 
their responses to these questions and return the form to 
the address shown. A partial reply is better than none 
at all, but the most helpful replies will of course be those 
in which as many questions as possible are answered, to- 
gether with reasons where appropriate. . . . The Board 
of Editors feels justified in asking readers to take the trouble 
to answer these questions with conscientious care. The 
basic purpose is to adapt the magazine more perfectly to 
the needs of the Teachers Unions it serves. 


The Wagner Act The recent decision of the Supreme 
and Teachers Court, holding the Wagner Labor Re- 

lations Act constitutional by a five 
to four vote, in no way lays to rest the legitimate fears 
of the American people that social progress may be blocked 
at every turn by an ultra-conservative judiciary. Mean- 
time, however, the National Labor Relations Act is firmly 
established as Federal law. It is hardly to be expected 
that the established constitutionality of this act will im- 
mediately put an end to the subversive practices of the 
great corporations. According to the report of the La 
Follette investigation, the General Motors Company, be- 
tween January 1934 and July 1936, paid Pinkerton a 
total of $419,850 for a spy system, and at the same time 
was employing Corporations Auxiliary Company as a sort 
of second line of defense against unionism in its plants. 
The respect of such companies for any law except the law 
of their own interests is indicated by the fact that in many 
cases the records subpoenaed by the Senate Investigating 
Committee were destroyed and it was necessary to con- 
fiscate quantities of waste paper and piece the evidence 
slowly together from the scraps. The private armaments, 
the elaborate systems for espionage and strike-breaking 
hardly indicate a temper on the part of the employers to 
yield to unionization without a bitter struggle. But here- 
tofore the illegality of such methods has been a moral 
illegality, an offense against a profound conception of 
human rights residing in the people. That conception 
has now become articulated in the National Labor Rela- 
tions Act. The efforts of employers to obstruct the or- 
ganization of their workers has now become an offense 
against the state. However much or however little this 
fact may act as a deterrent to the employers, it is pro- 

































a ee ee 


4 


viding a terrific spur to the workers. To the vigor of the 
organizing drive, to the encouragement of victories, of 
strides taken, to the prestige of the C.I.0., is now added 
the sanction of law, the often effective support of the Labor 
Relations Board, the authority of the Federal Government. 
The Wagner Labor Relations Act gives acceleration to a 
movement that already sweeps forward in seven league 
boots. For us it is most fruitful to enquire what our own 
status is under this act. Recently the National Labor 
Relations Board operating under the Wagner Labor Re- 
lations Act was requested by the Secretary-Treasurer of 
the A.F.T. to make some statement regarding the status 
of teachers unions under the provisions of the act. The reply 
states in part: “The only opinion which the Board can 
issue must be reached after a full hearing of the evidence 
in a case. This is true not only of the merits of a case 
involving an alleged violation of the Act, but also is it true 
of any decision the Board may make to take jurisdiction 
under the National Labor Relations Act.” The recent 
favorable decision in the case of the Newspaper Guild 
again brings to our attention the question of whether or 
not academic freedom cases in the public schools and col- 
leges may affect interstate commerce within the meaning 
of the law. Our status in this connection is a matter of 
tremendous importance and locals should direct the atten- 
tion of their legal advisers to a study of the possibility of 
securing protection under this act. A favorable hearing 
would have the effect of establishing tenure—at least so 
far as protection against discrimination for union activity 
is concerned—on a national scale. Teachers should have 
the same rights of citizenship as all other Americans. 


Educational Retrench- Those ‘‘professional’’ people 
ment—A Fact who have maintained a dignified 


silence during the past seven 
years and accused the American Federation of Teachers of 
crying “wolf” when all was well should read the latest bul- 
letin released by the U. S. Office of Education. Statistics 
of City School Systems, which presents the latest available 
statistics concerning public school systems in 2,891 cities 
throughout the United States, reveals that public educa- 
tion was much worse off in 1934 than in 1930. The re- 
port reveals an alarming picture of nationwide neglect of 
education. Ever decreasing expenditures have resulted in 
“an average of 4.2 more pupils per teacher in 1934 than 
in 1930 in the regular and senior high schools combined.” 
Ill-kept school buildings, less equipment and supplies, 
shorter school terms, a 42.5 per cent decrease in night 
schools, and an even greater curtailment of summer schools 
are other results. According to Statistics of City School 
Systems: “From 1930 to 1932 the cost per pupil for cur- 
rent expenses decreased 2.9 per cent, and from 1932 to 
1934 decreased 14.7 per cent. In some cities the decrease 
amounted to 30 per cent. From 1930 to 1934 the average 
annual cost per pupil for general control decreased 16 per 
cent, for instruction 16.5 per cent, for operation 14.7 per 








The cAMERICAN TEACHES 


cent, for maintenance 42.2 per cent, for auxiliary agencies 
24 per cent.” The American Federation of Teachers must 
swell its numbers and enlist the aid of all progressive teach- 
ers and parent organizations in a common fight for decent 
standards of education. 


All teachers should, of course, be interested in 
Youth and whatever Youth is doing. This is 
particularly true of the coming Youth Con- 
gress to be held in Milwaukee from July 2nd to July Sth. 
The nature of the meeting will be a “United States Con- 
gress”. The Senate will be composed of delegates from 
the national organizations of Youth; the House of Repre- 


Youth In 


Action 








The ~AMERICAN ‘TEACHER 
Official Organ of 
THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS 
506 South Wabash Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 
Organized April 15, 1916 


AFFILIATED WITH THE AMERICAN FEDERATION 


OF LABOR 
—_——g—__— 
President Secretary-Treasurer 
Jerome Davis Irvin R. Kvenzu 
Vice-Presidents 


Maynarp C. KRUEGER 
A.iiE B. MANN 
Mercepes L. NELSON 
Nancy Lea SMITH 
Harry C, STEINMETZ 
J. RayMonp WALSH 
CLaupE WILLIAMS 
Sorpuus KertH WINTHER 


> 
Board of Editors 


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Mary Fotey GrossMAN 
Cuartes J. HENDLEY 
Mary Herrick 


Georce Finca Cetia Lewis 
A. S. Hancock EstHER PETERSON 
Sara T. WALSH J. RaymMonp WatsH# 


Representative of the 
Executive Council 


———————_>—_—_ 
Contributing Editors 
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SELDEN MENEFEE 
Beryt PARKER 


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Epwin Berry Burcum 


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class matter 


op geeend SUBSCRIPTION : $1.00 for the year 
Sctaber i. 1933, at the pont « a Foreign $1.10—Single copies, 25c. 
ne Published ‘monthly except July- 
Ma 1879. Acceptance, fr August. yor req pf: 
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provided for 
ss ef February a." 925, postal oF enapens monty 




























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"agencies 
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, ay-June, 1937 


atatives will comprise delegates from local youth groups. 
Committee hearings will be held on all important problems 

confront the people, particularly the younger genera- 
tion. The importance and significance of this Congress 
can scarcely be over-emphasized. It is proof that today 
Youth is thinking, and also acting. Serious social questions 
concern them, and they are earnestly seeking their solu- 
tion. In these efforts lie the promise and hope of the 
future of civilization itself. This youth organization takes 
practical and concrete steps to effect specific reforms. For 
instance, it is considering a plan whereby meetings of 
young people will be arranged in various cities in order 
to give support to President Roosevelt’s Supreme Court 
reform. A national radio broadcast in support of the 
President is likewise contemplated. Thus their program 
is broad, rallying around it mass support and gaining the 
respect of the working and middle class of all ages. . . . 
Our problems become increasingly acute. Only the com- 
bined strength of all liberal and progressively-minded 
groups can win a decent place in life for Youth. 


Looking Toward the The National Education Associa- 
N.E.A. Convention tion will hold its Diamond ju- 

bilee Convention in Detroit be- 
tween June 27th and July Ist. In greeting the N.E.A. 
on this occasion, the A.F.T. hopes that the progressive 
stand of the association on the vital educational issues 
of today, which was indicated by the New Orleans meet- 
ing of the Department of Superintendence, will be re- 
affirmed in Detroit. Many things have happened during 
the past year which should bring the N.E.A. into greater 
sympathy with the point of view of the A.F.T.; the future, 
we hope, will bring the aims of the N.E.A. into closer cor- 
respondence with ours. We want the teachers in the N.E.A. 
to understand the union teacher; we want the Teachers 
Union to be discussed and considered at the national con- 
vention, as it already has been discussed openly in the 
State conventions of New Jersey and Pennsylvania. All 
our members in the association who will be present in 
Detroit will have a splendid opportunity to bring the 
union, its programs and its activities, before the members 
of the N.E.A. In the next year—with new problems and 
struggles before the teachers—the prospect of friendly 
relations between the union and the association is a prom- 
ise of educational progress in America. 


Teacher Affiliation A recent bulletin of the Associa- 
with Labor tion of Chicago Teachers concludes 

that teacher affiliation with labor 
unions is not justified because labor without such affiliation 
will work for the interests of schools and teachers, and 
because such affiliation is inimical to the academic free- 
dom and the unbiased attitude toward public questions 
which teachers are expected to maintain. . . . It is un- 


doubtedly true that labor will continue to work for the 
welfare of the schools. Labor has also shown an unflag- 
ging willingness to help teachers in their fight for tenure 
laws, adequate salaries, and academic freedom. It does 
seem somewhat selfish and not a little presumptuous for 
teachers to accept these services and not be willing to 
affiliate with labor on a fraternal basis. The president of 
a state federation of labor recently remarked: “Twice 
in the last few years we have saved the tenure law for 
the teachers of the state, but we are getting just a little 
tired of fighting the battles of people who refuse to affili- 
ate with us.” . . . Furthermore, teachers owe it to the 
public schools to use their influence within the ranks of 
labor to insure that labor’s educational program shall be 
in harmony with the best educational thought and prac- 
tice. . . . The argument that “the cherished professional 
right of academic freedom is jeopardized by our align- 
ment on one side of a social question” seems hardly tenable. 
P.T.A.’s and chambers of commerce are frequently aligned 
on opposite sides of social questions. Would our Chicago 
friends advocate that teachers should therefore keep them- 
selves aloof from either body? Various religious denom- 
inations have recently come out much more explicitly than 
labor for social change. Should teachers therefore re- 
frain from joining the churches? . . . The fundamental fact 
seems this: Both the labor forces and the teachers are 
dedicated to the task of securing a higher standard of 
living economic and cultural, for a constantly increasing 
proportion of the American people. Nobody is likely to 
contradict this fact. It is but natural, therefore, that 
teachers should join forces with labor, whose purpose 
and function are the same as their own. . . . The article 
by Harold C. Hand in this issue of THE AMERICAN 
TEACHER is a timely presentation of this point of view. 


Re-unite on The International Executive 
Progressive Principles Board of the American News- 

paper Guild recently commended 
the following principles to its constituent locals as a policy 
to be followed by the ANG in the current A.F.L.-C.LO. 
controversy: 


1. Full support of and cooperation with the progressive 
movement in American labor, particularly as represented by the 
Committee for Industrial Organization, and of all progressive 
forces within the American Federation of Labor. 


2. Insistence on return of autonomy and democracy in the 
American Federation of Labor. 


3. Unceasing effort for unity on the basis of progressive 
principles within the ranks of the American Federation of 
Labor, of which the ANG is an autonomous International. 


4. Consistent and persistent opposition to any moves con- 
ducive to splits in state and local central bodies. 
We reprint it here because the stand taken coincides so 
closely with the position adopted by the A.F.T. at its last 
convention. 




















toed 


olin 


- 
o- 































poe Fa A eae a 


























6 


1937 This summer’s convention at Madison will 
Convention _ be faced with many problems. 

The action of the A.F.L. Executive Council 
in attempting to expel the C.1.0. and split the labor move- 
ment, is of very great concern to us as trade unionists. 
Nor can we disregard the role our organization is to play 
in the progressive anti-fascist movement. Yet we must re- 
member that we are faced with many problems directly 
affecting the freedom and security of teachers in their 
positions. We are confronted by problems of tenure, salary, 
academic freedom and other elements of democracy in 
education. The fate of Federal Aid must be clearly dis- 
cussed and understood, and long range plans must be 


made in that connection. . . . A.F.T. vice presidents are 
now concluding the first year of organizing activity under 


the new regional plan. This new device must be evaluated § 


and perfected, in accordance with the suggestions given in 
the organizational symposium, of which the second sec- 
tion appears elsewhere in this issue. . . . The question of 
child welfare must engage our attention. There is a grow- 
ing desire in all parts of the country to democratize the 
school system. The outstanding task of our union is to 
work towards the solution of these problems. Most of us 
hope that the convention arrangements will permit these 
teacher problems to receive a very large part of the atten- 
tion of the delegates. 


Practical Democracy Ln Education 


IRVIN R. KUENZLI 


HE CURRENT TREND in educational philosophy in 

America toward “Democracy in Education” and “Edu- 
cation for Democracy” is eliciting a demand for practical 
procedure in eliminating the militaristic and undemocratic 
administration and supervision which exist in many schools 
today. Consensus of opinion among progressive teachers 
indicates that training for the democratic way of life can- 
not well be taught in an autocratic school system. 

The following suggestions for practical democratic pro- 
cedure are gathered from correspondence with large num- 
bers of representative teachers and personal contacts in 
numerous meetings of classroom teachers. 


1. Administration and supervision based on militaristic 
control, fear, destructive criticism, humiliation before pu- 
pils, unfair rating systems, etc., should give way to a system 
based on codperative effort, kindly helpfulness, constructive 
suggestions and inspired confidence. 


2. Classroom teachers should feel free to seek advice 
from supervisors and administrators or to make construc- 
tive suggestions without endangering their status in the 
system. 


3. There is evidence of a widespread employment by 
superintendents of a “grape vine” or “spy system” in 
which certain teachers “report back” all proceedings of 
teachers’ meetings. This practice is distinctly contrary 
to the spirit of the Wagner Labor Relations Act and should 
be eliminated from the public schools of a democracy. 
Obviously no teacher who engages in such betrayal of his 
fellow-men is sufficiently honorable to teach boys and girls. 


4. Teachers should have some voice in constructing the 
curriculum and a large part of, if not full authority in 
choosing text books. 


5. Teachers should feel free to ask for proper health 


conditions for themselves and their pupils. Many teachers 
state that they are called “cranks” if they insist on proper 
heating, lighting, cleaning, etc. 


6. Favoritism should be discouraged by uniform salary 
schedules based on training and experience. A midwestern 
city reports a very low salary schedule with special awards 
for merit. These awards have been given only to five per- 
sons who actively support the “administration”. 


7. A classroom teacher should have as free an oppor- 
tunity to state to the administration “just complaints” 
about a supervisor or principal as the supervisor or prin- 
cipal has to state criticisms of the teacher. 


8. One large local of the American Federation of Teach- 
ers has been especially successful in eliminating annoying 
practices of certain principals by establishing a grievance 
committee to which unjust acts are reported. Annoying 
practices reported included opening teachers’ mail, hold- 
ing faculty meetings every lunch period, requiring teachers 
to lunch with the principal, extreme emphasis on details, etc. 


9. Organized teachers supported by parents may assist 
in protecting or liberating the administrator from powerful 
pressure groups. It is a well known fact that autocracy 
in the schools often originates above or behind the super- 
intendent. 


10. A school system constructed in such a way that 
both teachers and pupils find joy and happiness in their 
work does not imply a “soft” and unauthoritative procedure. 
If democracy can be successful in a nation it must be suc- 
cessful in the nation’s schools. Every school system in 
America should exemplify, in its method of organization 
and operation, the practicability of the democratic way of 
life. 


The cAmmrican T acum 















































ee 


ses = oOo rm 2. 


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4 
5 


Teacney We May-June, 1937 





lents are 
ty under 
valuated jl ti 
given in 5 ° . ie 
oa Harvard's Liberalism : 
estion of Ef 
a@ grow- 4 
itize the ‘ . 
n is to Myth Or Reality? 4 
at of us i 4 
ant | A STATEMENT BY THE CAMBRIDGE UNION OF UNIVERSITY TEACHERS ON THE on 
DISMISSAL OF J. RAYMOND WALSH AND ALAN R. SWEEZY 4 
ae 
wo oF the leading members of the Cambridge Union stitutions and aid in the attainment of what he regards as ab ty 
Ts University Teachers, its president, Dr. J. Ray- a more balanced economic system. a é 
mond Walsh, and one of the most active members The university authorities have issued two statements in ny 
of its executive council, Dr. Alan R. Sweezy, have been explanation of their course of action in terminating the ap- : 
simultaneously given notice of dismissal from Harvard. It pointments of these men. The first, on April 6, asserted that ta 
is clear that this action was taken by the President in the case presented no extraordinary features and that the . 
consultation with the Dean of the Faculty, overriding the dismissals had been made “solely on the grounds of teach- 4 
eachers recommendation of the Department of Economics that both ing capacity and scholarly ability”. Whatever may have if 
proper men be reappointed to their present positions as three-year been the intention behind this statement, there can be no 
faculty instructors. doubt at all about the construction which has generally been 
Dr. J. Raymond Walsh has conducted the course in Labor put upon it. The impression is conveyed, as clearly as offi- : 
salary Problems since 1933 and is the only member of the De- cial language can, that these men have shown themselves i 4 
vestern partment devoting his full time to this field. After the incompetent both as teachers and as scholars. Such an irre- a 
awards completion of his doctoral dissertation in 1934 he wrote sponsible and unsubstantiated slur on the reputations of ft: 
fe per- several articles on his special subjects; his studies led to two young instructors brings the good faith of the uni- ei 
his being recommended for a Wertheim Fellowship by the versity in the entire affair into question. ; 
Department of Economics. Under this grant he investi- A second statement, made on April 12 by President 
— gated the labor policy of the Standard Oil Company of Conant to the Board of Overseers, explains that these men 
—_ New Jersey, and his conclusions are to be published in a have been dismissed because other more promising instruc- 
oni forthcoming book. His course on Labor Problems has been tors have been given the only available promotions, and it is 
so popular that in three years its enrolment has increased not fair either to them or to their younger colleagues that 
“each- from about forty to over one hundred and twenty. While they be retained in their present positions without promo- 
oying continuing his teaching, Dr. Walsh has been deeply inter- tion. Although, according to President Conant, this action 
vance ested in the actual conditions of labor in the United States, is not to be taken as a reflection upon the teaching capacity 
oying and has on numerous occasions put himself on record in of the two men, this second statement makes no reference 
hold- favor of progressive legislation on behalf of the working to the first and certainly cannot be accepted as a satis- 
chers class. Only recently, at a legislative hearing in Massachu- factory retraction. We have been advised that the original 
s, etc. setts, he vigorously opposed ex-president A. Lawrence declaration constitutes sufficient grounds for a libel action 
Lowell’s stand against the Child Labor Amendment. against the university. In view of this, the Cambridge 
assist Dr. Alan R. Sweezy has twice held fellowships from Union of University Teachers, in a statement issued to the 
erful Harvard for study abroad. After completing his doctorate press on April 16 declared: “We feel that the university 
racy in 1934 he spent a half-year on leave of absence in Wash- owes Drs. Walsh and Sweezy a public retraction and 
uper- ington as a special research assistant to Professor Jacob apology.” Thus far the university has ignored this obvi- 
Viner in the Treasury Department, in.which capacity he ous obligation. , 
prepared a confidential report on fiscal policy. He has We should like to emphasize, however, that this unfor- 
that become known as a specialist on corporate organization tunate aspect of the case should not be allowed to obscure 
vend and finance, and has participated in teaching university the significant underlying issues which have been brought 
one courses in this field. Of late he has been dévoting himself to public attention. 
- f to the problems of finance capital; his articles on economic Harvard is commonly considered, and rightly so, to be 
dows theory have appeared in American, English, and Austrian a national institution. The attainment of its present posi- 
pr journals. Together with Dr. Walsh, Dr. Sweezy maintains tion in the educational world has, however, depended essen- 


that a strong labor movement will protect democratic in- 


tially upon the good will and generosity of a small number 













































of men who have commanded the resources to build up 
its endowment to the present figure of roughly $125,000,000. 
The dangers inherent in this situation are patent, but they 
become doubly so at a time when serious-minded people 
are forced to review the bases of our fundamental economic 
and political institutions. It is at such times that a great 
national university like Harvard should be most assiduous 
in seeking and encouraging the representation on its staff 
of all serious intellectual trends, however antithetical they 
may be to the social outlook of its financial benefactors. 
To follow such a course requires a degree of courage and 
self-restraint which is all too rare in the educational annals 
of this country. 


We must say with complete frankness, and with a knowl- 
edge of the gravity of the charge, that Harvard has signally 
failed to live up to the above ideal of a truly national insti- 
tution. This failure has manifested itself most clearly in the 
social sciences. At the very time when an increasing number 
of the student body is turning to the study of society, the 
administration chooses to freeze the budgets of the De- 
partments of History, Government, Economics, and So- 
ciology. The full significance of this course of action can 
be appreciated only when two things are understood. Firstly, 
that there is, in our considered judgment, not one single 
member of the social science departments, among those en- 
joying permanent tenure, who has sought sympathetically 
to evaluate and interpret the role of the labor movement 
in modern society. Secondly, that budget-freezing creates 
an apparent justification for refusing to appoint or reappoint 
young men who might balance the overweight of conserva- 
tism in the higher age groups. The following incidents, 
all of which have occurred within the past year, demon- 
strate that we have to deal not with an isolated instance 
but with a general trend. 


When, as an exception to the traditional courses, the 
History Department in 1935-1936 offered a graduate sem- 
inar on the Working Classes in France, it was promptly 
abandoned. The lecturer, known as a Marxist historian, 
was unceremoniously dropped. Very recently, when the 
Government Department recommended the appointment 
of a well-known radical political scientist, its proposal 
was summarily rejected by the higher authorities. Only 
last year the Department of Economics eased out a young 
economic historian friendly to the laboring classes at a 
time when the retirement of Professor E. F. Gay left the 
field of economic history seriously understaffed. The So- 
ciology Department is notorious for its espousal of reac- 
tionary doctrine in a pseudo-scientific guise. Last year 
several young who dared to hold views of society at 
variance with the violent anti-working class bias of the 
head of the department were quietly eliminated. 





The cAmuncan TeAcne 


The dismissal of Drs. Walsh and Sweezy from the De- 
partment of Economics now underlines and brings into the 
open this state of affairs. Both of these men have already 
attained reputations as capable economists; their scientific 
integrity within the framework of their social outlook is not 
open to question; they enjoy the confidence and respect 
of liberal and radical thinkers wherever they are known. 
Harvard has dismissed them on the grounds that they do 
not show sufficient promise to warrant promotion; and 
President Conant has emphatically denied that their views 
and activities have entered into the decision. We cannot 
accept this explanation until Harvard has proved beyond 
any possibility of doubt that, in the eyes of the university, 
promise does not imply the acceptance of conventional 
views. The whole trend of development in the field of 
social science strongly suggests that this is the case; the 
dismissal of Drs. Walsh and Sweezy may turn what was 
formerly a mere suspicion into a certainty in the minds 
of many. If Harvard wishes to refute this charge, let it 
appoint to its social science faculty men of professional 
rank who are as noted for their progressive pro-labor atti- 
tude as Drs. Walsh and Sweezy. 


If this is not done, there will remain serious grounds 
for uneasiness about the effect of these dismissals upon 
the atmosphere of the university, especially with regard 
to the younger instructors. The circumstances of the ter- 
mination of the appointments of Drs. Walsh and Sweezy, 
together with similar instances in the recent past, will 
operate as notice to younger teachers that advancement is 
best secured by the adherence, at least in public, to ortho- 
dox views and the pursuit of conventional inquiry. It 
will convince them above all that the exercise of their 
right publicly to express support of progressive labor legis- 
lation and engage in trade-union activities seriously en- 
dangers their academic careers. That this conviction is 
already not uncommon, that consciously or half-consciously 
it is acted upon, many of us can testify from our own 


knowledge. 





President Conant has on numerous occasions extolled 
Harvard’s liberal tradition and promised to carry the ban- 
ner forward. We have applauded, but thus far his deeds 
have belied his words. If he wishes to vindicate his 
good faith and regain our shaken confidence, the time 
has now come to pass from generalities to concrete action. 








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TEACHER 


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June, 1937 





Labor and Schools 


In Contemporary Society 


FRANCIS J. GORMAN 


he must become a part of his own union, and second, 

he must teach others in the trade union movement, 
and their children, how to better conduct their daily af- 
fairs and contribute a substantial share in the correction 
of the thousands of grievances which go to make up the 
common man’s life. 

There was never a time in history when a functioning 
workers’ education movement was more badly needed, and 
there was never a time in the history of the teaching pro- 
fession when teachers needed a strong union more badly 
than they need one now. 

Today the very foundation-stones upon which our edu- 
cational system were built are being threatened. Forces 
are at work the world over which, if successful, would 
completely wipe out the principal tenets upon which the 
word “education” has grown up. In Germany and Italy 
we have seen the outcome of the success of the force of 
fascism. We have seen education made a hollow mockery. 
Eminent educators and writers of no less quality than 
Thomas Mann have had to revise their notions on politics 
and admit that they cannot function in theif true relation- 
ship to the world under a regime of terror and superstition. 
There is only one force strong enough to crush the power 
of fascism. That force is an organized labor movement 
of which the professional workers, and particularly the 
teachers, are a very important part. 

Leaving aside, for the moment, a discussion of the fate 
of education under fascism, the teachers have another very 
good reason for wishing to become organized. It is funda- 
Mentally the same reason why textile workers, automo- 
bile workers, steel workers and newspapermen must be 
Organized: to protect their economic standards, to improve 
them, and to protect their rights to free thought and free 
assembly. Teachers, even in this country, are not immune 
to wage cuts; they are not immune to forced furloughs or 
layoffs, and they are not immune to discrimination for 
union activities, any more than textile workers, steel work- 
ets, automobile workers or the newspaper reporter. Teach- 
ers, therefore, need their union. They need.a 100% or- 
ganized union, too, the same as we do, for as long as one 
teacher remains outside the organization the wages and 


[’ MY OPINION the teacher’s role today is twofold: first, 


academic freedom of every union teacher are endangered. 


The second aspect of the teacher’s role is that of teaching 


Sas RG, 
Sal ae 


self into two parts: teaching the adults and teaching the 
youngsters. 

Today there is a powerful surge for organization amongst 
all kinds of workers. Workers who hitherto were com- 
pletely estranged from the labor movement are sweeping 
into it by the thousands. The department store workers 
are an example. Membership is increasing so rapidly that 
old bookkeeping methods have to be scrapped and newer 
and more efficient ways of cataloguing the membership 
and financial standing of union members must be found. 

However, we must all bear one thought in mind: the 
new membership is not yet a stable membership. Many 
workers now in the union do not really know what the 
union is for. They only know that all their fellow-workers 
belong, and they don’t want to stay out of the swim. The 
United Textile Workers of America has had a bitter les- 
son in the stability of raw union recruits. During the 
1934 general textile strike, thousands upon thousands of 
workers were signed up in the union. Before the year was 
out, however, thousands had dropped out again. 

Now there are many reasons for fluctuating, unstable 
union membership. The extreme terror which the em- 
ployers used against the union members in southern mills 
had a great deal to do with our loss of membership. The 
drastic outcome of the strike settlement was another potent 
factor in driving many workers from our ranks. There are 
others too numerous to mention today, but one fact remains: 
if the union had had a workers’ education department, 
equipped and ready to jump immediately into the field and 
consolidate the gains already made, by teaching the workers 
the meaning of the union, we would not today be a union 
with a membership of 100,000 textile workers. We would 
be a union with a membership of 500,000 textile workers— 
even if we had been only 50% successful in organizing 
our vast industry. 

There can be no stability where there is little concep- 
tion of the union. Even where there is a rudimentary con- 
cept of trade unionism there can be very little stability if 
there is ignorance about the many other aspects of our 
every-day lives. If the workers, for example, do not even 
understand the function and organization of their own 
industry, they cannot be expected to understand deeply 
the problems of their own union. Many, many textile work- 
ers do not know actually now that their industry is organ- 
ized; what it is composed of; and how it fits into the gen- 
eral picture of the industrial United States. 






















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Likewise, there can be little stability or permanence in 
a union membership which does not know the history of the 
working class in its own country, let alone the world; or 
which does not know the history of our economic order, and 
the consequent political movements surrounding it, from 
the early days up to now. If workers do not understand, 
or know something in a general way, about these things, 
they cannot know how to find their own places in the 
whole labor movement, or how to relate themselves to their 
fellow-workers in other industries. 


This is one of the primary jobs of the teacher today. 
To be sure, the next generation is more important than 
the present one, but the present generation is ready to act 
if it receives but a little guidance from those who know 
theoretical things of help to the labor movement. 

Union leaders are teachers, too, if they are deserving of 
the term “leader”. But union leaders themselves have 
much to learn. A good leading trade unionist can suc- 
cessfully explain the meaning of the union to workers; he 
can successfully explain the character and organization of 
his industry, and he can even go back into the annals of 
trade union history and relate events now with those which 
happened in the past. But this is not the Alpha and Omega 
of trade unionism. If he is a good union leader he is also 
too busy with immediate things to be able to devote much 
time to giving the workers lessons in things which they 
have to learn about. He must call upon others to help him. 

Too few competent teachers have given themselves to 
workers’ education. I know that a teacher must eat just 
as anyone else, and I also know that there is very little 
money to eat on in the trade union movement. But we 
must have a beginning somewhere, and in every beginning 
there are, of necessity, sacrifices. There are lots of sac- 
rifices in the workers’ education field today. There are 
many men and women who have given up the chance for 
softer academic jobs at nice salaries in order to give to 
the working class some of their store of knowledge. We 
must have more. 


Now, I do not believe that anybody should work for 
anybody else for nothing. I do not believe that the work- 
ers themselves would appreciate knowledge which was given 
to them on a silver platter. They should have to pay for 
their education departments. They must be organized, 
however, before they can pay, and they must know what 
the trade union movement stands for before they can be 
successfully and permanently organized. Therefore, we 
have to go back to the beginning again, and in the begin- 
ning there must be some sacrifices. 

A great crew of alert, labor-conscious, and competent 
teachers must be developed in our public schools, too. Chil- 
dren of workers, for the most part, go to public schools. 
I am forced to except a large portion of the textile work- 
ers from this category, however, since they’ either do not 
have the money to send their children to school, or they 
live in mill-villages where they are taught just what the 
boss wants them to know. 






























The cAmmrican TEACHR 


However, children of other kinds of workers, more for- 
tunately situated, are to be found in our thousands o 
public schools. I must say that I think some of the ideas 
which are born from training in some of our public schools 
are indeed vicious. A great deal of harm has been done, 
and is being done, in public schools today under the guise 
of “education”. Utility interests, for instance, teach chil- 
dren to hate and fear public ownership of public utili- 
ties by writing the civics textbooks themselves. Children 
are taught that Negroes are inherently inferior to whites, 
and that southerners hate northerners, under the subter- 
fuge of “history”. Children are still taught that there is 
a Horatio Alger ladder up which they can climb to the 
presidency of the United States if they are good boys and 
girls and study their lessons. This kind of stuff must 
come to anend. This is not “education”. It is not “free 
thought”. It is deliberate propaganda handed out by the 
representatives of the vested interests, and administered 
to children by teachers who probably themselves do not 
understand just how much they are being kidded. Public 
schools, in my opinion, should undergo a complete over- 
hauling with respect to curriculum and personnel. “Yes. 
men” and utility-written textbooks should be weeded out 
and educators and fact books should take their places. If 
there were a vast and powerful Teachers Union this could 
be done immediately. There must be organized, then, a 
Teachers Union big enough and strong enough that it 
can have a hand in what sort of material it feeds to the 
coming generations in the classrooms of our public insti- 
tutions of learning. 

There are two phases, as I said before, to the teaching 
problem as I see it. There is teaching grown-ups and 
teaching children. Both can be done at the same time, 
though in different ways. 

If, in conjunction with the official bodies of organized 
labor, for example, the Teachers Union could organize 4 
national workers’ education department which would be a 
part of the organized labor movement, adult education 
would take one of the greatest forward strides of the cen- 
tury. You must reach the grown-ups through the organi- 
zations to which they belong, and the trade union is the 
most universal organization among grown-ups today. 

What are some of the things which workers want to 
know, and which they ask teachers to show them as soon 
as they get into educational groups? 

First of all, they want to know how to function in their 
union. They want the teacher to give them pointers on 
what the union really is in a broad sense, and how they 
should conduct themselves in union meetings and in con- 
ferences with their bosses. Principles of trade unionism, 
then, are one of the first things they want to know. In 
order to teach this, a person must have had some practi- 
cal experiences himself, along with his theoretical prepa- 
ration. The best place for a teacher to get practical ex- 
perience is through active participation in his own union. 
If you can negotiate a wage raise out of a board of direc- 












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June, 1937 


or a board of regents, you can negotiate a wage raise 
en times more easily out of Morgan or DuPont. 

Second, they want to know what their industry is really 
like. They want to know how it is organized industrially 
and financially. They want to know this, so that they can 
answer their bosses in their own language when they get 
technical during conferences. A wealth of research is 
needed constantly—up-to-date data on profits, salaries, 
prices, wages, etc. Each local union should periodically 
be supplied with all available material pertaining to its 
industry, so the committees can outsmart even their super- 
intendents and foremen in conferences, and during nego- 
tiations. 

Then they want to know similar facts, in less detail, 
about industry generally. This is necessary so that the 
employers can’t mow them down with the old stuff about 
being at the head of the parade; so that the employers can’t 
say: “We can’t do this or that because we would be clear 
out of line with the rest of American industry.” 


Workers want to know the history of their own class, 
too. They love to run across stories about what the textile 
workers did in 1919; or what the railroad workers did in 
1889; or what the miners did in 1912 and so forth. It 
makes them know that nothing is really brand new be- 
neath the sun. It gives them a sense of strength and se- 
curity to have history behind them, and to know that today 
they are still fighting the same battles which their fellow- 
workers fought many years before them. 

Workers want to know what the working class in other 
countries is doing, and what the historical background of 
other similar unions in Europe or Asia might be. They 
want to know, in short, just what everybody else wants 
to know, and they, like others, want it in the light of 
their own particular experiences and problems. 

Workers who understand the economic and political or- 
der, its shortcomings, its virtues and its possibilities, can 
intelligently take part in changing the world around them. 
As long as they are in ignorance of even their own imme- 
diate needs, they will have to be carried along by other 
groups less fitted to take the lead in making over our 
system than the working class. I say they will be “car- 
tied along”. I mean only for a certain length of time. 
Finally, of course, the workers will take things into their 
own hands, when starvation and desperation drive them to 
it. Think, then, how much more intelligently they could 
bring about the changes needed, and which will most 
certainly be made whether we like it or not, if they had 
the advantages of a little rudimentary educational prepara- 
tion, outside of the bitter lessons learned right in the mills. 

What we need, then, is a stabilizing force behind our 
Movement. One which will enable us to consolidate our 
gains and make them permanent. We need national 
Workers’ schools. A powerfully organized working class 
is one of the surest ways to social reforms, and an educated 
Organized working class is by far the soundest way to 




















LEADING UNION LABELS 
FOURTH SERIES 


Facsimiles of other labels and shop buttons will appear in 
subsequent issues. We suggest that A. F. T. members cut and 
file these union insignia. 


Buy Union-made goods. 


LAUNDRY WORKERS LABEL 

















Stamped on price list of all union laundries. 


—_——g——_—_—_. 


GLOVE WORKERS LABEL 





This Label is stamped in fine dress gloves and a cloth Label 
is sewed in the working gloves and mittens. Used on leather 
and canvas. Look for a white cloth label printed in blue. 


_— g———_ 


BAKERS AND CONFECTIONERS LABEL 














(REGISTERED) 


People demanding this Label are not only supporting the 
Bakery and Confectionery Workers, but are also Pes 
themselves and their families against the spread of disease- 
breeding germs which exist in unsanitary bake-shops. The Label 
is granted only to sanitary bakeries. If a bakery owner lives up 
to the requirements of the organization, he may use the Label. 
These requirements are: (a) Sanitation and cleanliness in the 
shop; (b) proper treatment of workers; (c) reasonable hours of 
work; (d) payment of the Union wages. Bakeries not display- 
ing the Label on their products do not meet with one or more 
of the above-stated requirements. 





—_—@————_ 


HATTERS, CAP AND MILLINERY WORKERS LABEL 

































































































ee Son eee Neen sie eae eee 





What is the best way to establish new locals? How 
can one maintain and build locals already established? 
These are questions with which a number of locals 
have asked us to deal. We have therefore obtained 
statements from those who are actively engaged in 
organizational work in various parts of the country. 


This is the second instalment of these statements. 


Pennsylvania Teachers Organize 
Martin Rugg 
Pennsylvania State Federation of Teachers 


URING THE AUTUMN of 1935, an Organization Com- 

mittee from Local 192 (Philadelphia) was first called 
together to plan the extension of the Federation through- 
out Pennsylvania. There were a few locals in the state, but 
they were numerically weak, and members were at the 
mercy of unfriendly school boards. It was necessary to the 
success of our legislative program, that these locals be 
strengthened and new unions be organized. The future of 
our union work was premised on the founding of a strong 
State Federation of Teachers that could mobilize teachers 
to the support of our program. 


Lacking experience and precedents, the committee was 
obliged to try many avenues of approach, discard some, 
modify others and adopt new means as necessity dictated. 
The handicaps were great: an elaborate plan of having Cen- 
tral Labor Unions in the state help call meetings of inter- 
ested teachers fell through because interested teachers were 
hard to find and C.L.U.’s with little time to spare could 
not be expected to do the preliminary work for us. State 
wide publicity was lacking, our knowledge of rural teaching 
problems was inadequate; but the biggest bar was the ab- 
sence of a legislative session with its multiplicity of good 
issues, around which we could muster teacher support. 

A few months of preliminary work revealed these handi- 
caps. Even though the original idea was correct in prin- 
ciple, new methods had to be chosen. This change took 
place in Harrisburg, when in May 1936 the Pennsylvania 
Federation of Teachers became a reality. State locals had 
been called together before to discuss legislative prob- 
lems, but this time it was considered necessary to become 
a permanent group, officered by union members all over 
the state, who could function rapidly in deciding policy, 
and represent us before teachers, public, and legislature. A 
state organizer was elected from Local 192, to work under 


Symposium On 


the regional Vice-President and codrdinate all activity. 
Each union made itself responsible for organizing neigh- 
boring territory; a large teacher contact list was drawn 
up, and plans made to swing into action and take advan. 
tage of the next legislative session. A legislative program 
was planned and a Leglislative Representative, Sara T. 
Walsh, was elected. Tenure was chosen as the issue upon 
which we should seek to win support, rural teacher needs 
were studied, and appropriate bills drafted. A publicity 
committee was to plan a campaign and make our work 
known to teachers and public. The Organization Com- 
mittee’s function was broadened. The legislative corre- 
spondence was initiated, and committee members were to 
meet individuals and groups of teachers in the state to 
gauge the effect of our work and start new locals. 


The plan has been successful. The three committees, 
Legislative, Publicity and Organization, worked together 
to make the Pennsylvania Federation of Teachers a power- 
ful organization, recognized as such by legislators, and 
other teacher organizations. Our locals grew in numbers; 
new unions were begun, and within one year from the meet- 
ing in Harrisburg, state membership jumped over 100%. 

A successful legislative campaign has culminated to date 
in the enactment of the strongest Tenure Bill in the United 
States. The strong opposition of a few members of other 
teacher organizations acted as a boomerang. Thousands of 
teachers were thus apprised of our work, and hundreds of 
them acting individually or through their associations asked 
us for information, supported our bills, joined our old locals, 
or started new ones. Teachers recognized in the Federation 
legislative program, the spirit of teacher control, and reacted 
accordingly. 

A well planned resume of legislative work was given 
weekly in “News Flash”. From time to time, briefs of 
bills, appeals for action, and statements were included in 4 
weekly letter sent to our contact. Back copies of THE 
AMERICAN TEACHER and Philadelphia Teacher are being 
distributed. Non-union teachers everywhere reacted favor- 
ably to this publicity. Our material was posted on bulle- 
tin boards, read and discussed at faculty meetings, and 
passed from teacher to teacher. The general undercurrent 
of teacher sentiment is reflected in this letter from a western 
Pennsylvania teacher: “. . . I would state that I have ap- 
preciated very much the sending of Federation literature, 
and I also know of the effectiveness of your work in Harris- 
burg. Mr. ... of the House is a personal friend, as is also 


Mr. ... of the Senate, and both have mentioned your lobby '¥ 











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June, 1937 


Organization—2 


and the power of the same as compared to that of other 
teacher organizations.” 

The Organization Committee has been fortunate in capi- 
talizing on the successful part the Federation played in 
Harrisburg. The intensive work of circularizing, visiting, 
speaking and correspondence by all our locais is paying 
dividends. Organized labor is willing to codperate, after 
having seen union teachers in action. Non-union teachers 
have seen their grievance taken up and fought for by the 
Federation, and their sympathies have been enlisted in a 
score of communities where the groundwork for new unions 
is being prepared. The State Federation of Teachers 
has become a powerful factor in teacher legislation and 
teacher organization. With the assurance of tenure, we 
can strengthen our organization drive. To minimize wasted 
effort, we believe that some manual of organizing, embody- 
ing the experiences of other locals, should be drawn up soon. 
The present system of financing: alloting money to the 
vice president, appealing for funds from teachers, selling 
some literature, and having new locals contribute to the 
cost of organizing them, is, at present, satisfactory. Or- 
ganization of Pennsylvania teachers has finally become, not 
a hope, but a promise of the future. 


Organizing WPA 
Local 453 
New York City 


GOOD MAJoRITY of the 8,500 workers on WPA-Board 

of Education projects in New York City work in 
schools and community centers where there are an average of 
five or six WPA workers. Other individuals may be the only 
WPA worker in the center. Still others are “floaters”, 
usually teachers who teach in as many as seven or eight 
centers a week. Scattered throughout the five boroughs in 
hundreds of centers, many of these workers have never been 
contacted to join the union, or when they do join on their 
own initiative, they are not drawn into the activities of 
the union, and are likely to drop out after a few months 
of membership. This situation is particularly acute on 
the largest education project, that of adult education. 

For months after the organization of our union last spring, 
the adult education project was poorly organized, except 
for a few centers where there are at least thirty workers 
Organized into what we call a job location council. Soon 


%™ after the organization of our union, the administration of 
ur lobby JHE 


project divided the city into “areas” of the project, 


twelve in number, with a supervisor in charge of each area. 
The workers on the project adjusted their organization to 
the new set-up by organizing area divisions of the union 
along the administrative area lines. Meetings of workers 
in one area are called in a location convenient to the ma- 
jority of workers, usually at some place within the area. 
Each area has an executive committee, a grievance com- 
mittee, other committees decided upon by the area, and a 
treasurer. The executive committee of the project, con- 
sisting of experienced union members, codrdinates the or- 
ganization and activity of the areas. 

Although this form of organization has been in existence 
only a few months, the response on the part of workers in 
the areas, the drawing in of new forces never before con- 
tacted by the union, indicates that, despite possible weak- 
nesses in terms of decentralization, the area form of or- 
ganization is a distinct improvement over previous organi- 
zational devices on the project. It is too early to make final 
estimate of the value of the area set-up until the experiment 
has been given more time to be worked out. It is safe to 
guess at the present time, however, that a “decentralized” 
method is one effective way of organizing workers who are 
scattered over a large area, and not easily contacted by the 
union. 

Another possible solution is that suggested by the “float- 
ing” treasurer system of the elementary school projects. 
Most of these projects also have workers that are widely 
scattered in terms of job locations, and are constantly being 
shifted from center to center. It has been found impossible 
to know, at any particular time, where most of the work- 
ers on the projects are located. Several months ago, the 
largest of the elementary school projects, remedial reading 
and arithmetic, set up a system of treasurers, whereby one 
person is assigned several schools in the neighborhood of 
his school to pick up dues of any union member he finds 
located in any of the nearby schools. During the lunch 
hour and after school, a treasurer makes appointments with 
other union members in nearby schools. As a result of this 
set-up, a noticeable improvement in dues payments on these 
projects has been noted. The logical step is to organize 
these “floating” treasurers into “floating” organizers, who 
not only contact workers to pick up dues, but bring the 
latest union news and campaigns and “talk” organization 
to the workers. From the beginning many of the floating 
treasurers did organizing work. It is now the task to see 
that they all do. The union is confident that the result 
will be a rise in union membership and dues, and the ac- 
tivation of new forces. 

































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14 


Help From Trade Unionists 


Hugh De Lacey 
President, Washington Joint Council of Teachers 






I T GOES WITHOUT SAYING that any given method must be 
varied to fit the individual locality and teacher, but 
we have had success here through combinations of three 
main methods. 


In one county we went directly to the president and sec- 
retary of the Saw Mill and Timber Workers’ Union. We 
found that they had organized every other craft in the towns 
of that county and were delighted that there should be one 
more to conquer. Together we composed a letter which was 
mimeographed and sent by members of the Saw Mill and 
Timber Workers’ Union to every teacher in the locality 
we set to be organized. Our idea was that if the parents 
sent this letter by their children, the teachers would see 
that they were being asked to join the labor movement by 
members of an organization which included most of the 
voters in their district. 


The letter stated that the A.F.L. had always been inter- 
ested not only in decent wages and working conditions for 
its members but for a sound system of public instruction 
for their children; that the parent had derived many bene- 
fits from his membership and was certain that teachers, too, 
could profit from being organized; and that on such a date 
and at such a place a meeting would be held at which repre- 
sentatives of the A.F.T. (whom we named and identified) 
would be present to explain what our organization is and 
how it works, and also that representatives of the local 
labor movement would welcome the teachers and give as- 
surances of support. 


The letter was effective. We had the largest organiza- 
tional turn-out since Local 401, Seattle, itself was organ- 
ized. At the meeting everything moved smoothly. Explana- 
tions were made and objections met. We had previously 
found one teacher in that district who was willing to take 
the initiative. He joined forces with our speakers and we 
got enough signatures for a charter. 


In another county we had the good fortune to discover 
three teachers who had long been convinced of the necessity 
of organizing. We had several conferences and much cor- 
respondence with these teachers. They went seriously to 
work canvassing the county and soon were able to get a 
meeting of other interested teachers. A delegation went 
over and found everyone there already so well convinced 
that very little effort was required to get enough signa- 
tures for a charter. 


Another method we are beginning to employ with great 
effect is founded on a situation which may be peculiar to 
our part of the country. Backed by the labor movement, 
we were able at the general elections to put in a trade 
union teacher as State Superintendent of Schools. Lately 


The cAmmrnican TEACHE 


we have been inviting the State Superintendent to repo 
to meetings of class room teachers what he is doing, wha 
problems he finds, and what hope there is of finding solu 
tions. Even though we do not ask him to make organiza. 
tional talks, and do not expect him to do so, our own repre. 
sentatives are able to point out that we can give a State 
Superintendent who is working for Democracy in Educa. 
tion and Education for Democracy greatest support, and 
gain from his administration the greatest benefits, only jf 
we are able to present our views to him in a way that can 
be recognized as coming from a body of people who have 
discussed them and come to an agreement rather than from 
a few disgruntled and scattered persons or from an asso- 
ciation dominated by superintendents and principals. 


We are also planning a variation on this method. The 
Legislature is in session now and has several of the bills 
friends of the A.F.T. have introduced. We hope to arrange 
meetings and have members of the Legislature, together 
with a representative of the State Office of Education, ad- 
dress us. The legislators we invite will speak on the chances 
of our legislation and urge teachers to organize in order to 
secure the legislation they have always wanted. 


These are the principal methods we have been pursuing. 
At present we are in the process of returning a labor man 
to the School Board. We hope by our energy and effective 
work to impress teachers not now in the union that this is 
their organization and the only place they can find effective 
expression of their needs. 


Following Contacts 
Mary Herrick 
Vice-President for Illinois Area 


HE METHODS OF ORGANIZATION we have used are 

varied. In Southern Illinois we have obtained a list 
of all the teachers in a number of towns worked out as hav- 
ing a population with union sympathies, and the locals 
in that area are combing the lists for personal contacts. 
In the same areas, labor leaders are being reached for 
contacts. One local is already chartered as a result of this 
activity. 

The active local in Bloomington held a conference of 
nearby teachers on March 11, at which I was present, and 
there was a conference of teachers from the central part 
of the state the next day, for which I stayed to meet 
people from several good sized towns. Two particular 
cities are our goal for this area for this year. In northern 
Illinois we met with seventy teachers in Rockford on Janu- 
ary 26 through the offices of a friendly university extension 
professor who had suggested a discussion of teacher 
unionism. In the suburban area around Chicago, contacts 
have been made in four western suburbs with a view 
toward a western suburban local. There have been two 











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May-June, 1937 





regional organization cenferences and there will be a third 
soon. A constitution proposed for a state organization in 
Illinois has been sent out and is coming back with ratifi- 


cations. 


Practical Hints 


David H. Pierce 
Chairman, Publicity Committee, Local 279 


ocaL 279 of the American Federation of Teachers on 

February 12, 1937, celebrated its third birthday. We 

have 2250 members out of approximately 3900 in the 
Cleveland school system. 

Our growth has been amazing and we attribute it to 
several causes: 

1. No official is paid. The sole exception has been the 
granting of one-half year’s salary to the president while 
on leave of absence from his classroom duties. Excessive 
union activities necessitated this step. 


2. In publicity work we follow the principle that the 


15 


best defense is a strong offense. The union does not have 
to apologize for its existence. It never does. 

3. Our workers expect no reward except the respect of 
their associates for laboring in their behalf. 

4. We do not hesitate to go before school authorities 
with legitimate requests for improvement of working con- 
ditions. 

5. We seek and obtain the codperation of the Cleveland 
Federation of Labor. We do not overestimate our strength. 
The power of an individual comes from its association with 
other unions in the community. 

6. Recognizing that teachers live a somewhat cloistered 
life, we do not hesitate to call upon Newspaper Guild 
associates to set us straight on political trends in the city. 
Before we act, we get facts. 

7. We never stop our membership campaign, although 
it is not always going at full blast. Every classroom teacher 
is a potential member. 

8. Absolute democracy prevails at all times in union de- 
liberations. 


Job Saved In Akron 


Akron, Ohio, international rubber center and scene of 
victorious unionization struggles of the United Rubber 
Workers, reports a decisive victory for academic freedom. 


Last March, Mr. Chalmers Stewart, president of Local 
287,Akron Federation of Teachers, and president of the 
Board of Trustees of the Akron Central Labor Union, was 
tefused recommendation for his eight-year professional 
teaching certificate by his principal, Mr. J. Ray Stine. Mr. 
Stine’s action was motivated, according to statements in 
the press, by what he termed “personal and non-profes- 
sional reasons”. In conversation with Mr. Stewart, Mr. 
Stine assigned for his drastic action such reasons as that 
Mr. Stewart was irreligious, a bad influence in the com- 
munity, radical, mean to other teachers. 

As soon as this refusal to grant the certificate was made 
known, the local immediately set up an academic freedom 
committee of Akron liberals, and introduced a resolu- 
tion in the Central Labor Union condemning the whole 
high-handed procedure. The Central Labor Union ap- 
pointed a committee to investigate the whole matter 
further. 

On April 2, Mr. Stewart appeared before the State Board 
of School Examiners and received their promise to send 
an investigator to ascertain reasons for Mr. Stine’s “re- 
fusing political, social and religious freedom to Mr. 
Chalmers Stewart”. Mr. Michael J. Eck, secretary-legisla- 
tive agent of the Ohio State Federation of Teachers, pre- 


sented the case at a hearing before the Senate Educational 
Committee in connection with the vicious certification law 
in force in Ohio. 

Mr. Eck also interviewed the principal, Mr. J. Ray Stine. 
Mr. Stine conceded that there was no question about Mr. 
Stewart’s teaching ability. (Local newspapers have car- 
ried extensive accounts of Mr. Stewart’s splendid academic 
records at Central High School, where he teaches Eng- 
lish.) As justification for his broad statement that Mr. 
Stewart did not possess “the proper influence in the com- 
munity”, Mr. Stine—who is said at one time to have 
accused persons of theft on the basis of a vision he had in 
the deep of the night—tried to connect Mr. Stewart with 
a recent demonstration of students, the demonstration 
being in protest against Mr. Stine’s allegedly high-handed 
methods of dealing with pupils in his building. Mr. Stine 
admitted that his conclusion was based solely on hearsay 
and inference. Moreover, Mr. Stewart’s application for a 
teaching certificate had been refused prior to the student 
demonstration. 

In consideration of the obvious discrimination involved, 
the State Department of Education announced on April 
22 its unanimous decision that Chalmers Stewart was 
to be given his eight-year professional certificate. This 
decision has heightened the teacher morale of the whole 
state. It is a smashing victory for trade unionism and 
academic freedom in Ohio. 













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UR WORLD is probably in one of the four major tran- 
sition periods of all human history. The first was 
the dawn of history; the second the decline of the Roman 
Empire; the third the rise of the forces of the modern 
era, which began about the time Columbus discovered 
America; and now, let us hope, an orderly transition from 
“rugged individualism” to a socialized economy. 
Confronting us are such major choices as: Dictatorship 
versus Democracy; Individualism versus Collectivism; an 
economy of abundance versus an economy of scarcity; work 
for all versus unemployment for millions. 


In a period of doubt and confusion, when men every- 
where are struggling to know which road to follow, it is 
even more necessary for education to be free and untram- 
meled. But the fear of the loss of liberty must not make us 
oppose educational progress. Recently the president of the 
University of Michigan warned against threats to “academic 
freedom and institutional independence”. The president of 
Swarthmore referred to “the terrible danger” before edu- 
cation. What was it these presidents feared? Could it be 
that they were apprehensive that large gifts from men of 
great wealth might subtly induce educational subservience? 
No, the great danger they envisaged was Federal subsi- 
dies! One of them refused to permit any student to ac- 
cept them! 


Academic liberty is a most precious heritage, but it is 
not threatened by educational grants from the Federal 
government. It is far more in danger from selfish finan- 
cial interests and the forces of fascism. Mankind is recep- 
tive and eager for ideas and inventions in the material 
world; we are grossly intolerant of the new and the best 
in the social world. Here the inventor is likely to pay the 
penalty with the loss of his prestige or his job. The recent 
outrageous discharge of J. Raymond Walsh and Alan Rich- 
ardson Sweezy from Harvard, the one a national Vice- 
President of the American Federation of Teachers and the 
other a secretary of the Harvard local, should bring home 
to us all that we do not have academic freedom now. The 
fact is that the average instructor in an American college 
who dares to think differently from his professional su- 
periors or takes action threatening the economic royalists 
so that he is discharged, has less protection than a worker 
in the General Motors Corporation. This is not true if 
he belongs to a strong progressive teachers’ union, but even 
then his status is precarious unless all teachers everywhere 
belong. 

All of this simply means that it is a duty of primary im- 
portance to organize more and more units of the American 
Federation of Teachers. We should without question have 


Presidents Page 





a local in every college in the country in every major city, 
We should have at least 100,000 members. The question 
then before us is how can we organize as quickly and a; 
effectively as possible. Perhaps we can move forward in 
unison with other agencies toward the common purposes 
in which we can all unite. Certainly, in organizing teachers 
we need new methods and programs that will meet exist. 
ing needs. 

The excellent symposium on organization in the last 
issue of THe AMERICAN TEACHER challenged the attention 
of us all. Consider the following suggestions among others: 


1. Our literature needs to be rewritten both in appear- 
ance and content. 


2. We must work more through existing teachers’ or- 
ganizations where this is feasible. Perhaps we have 
needlessly antagonized school administrators and 
organizations in the past. Let us secure their co- 
operation. The work of the locals in Tennessee in 
trying to make the State Association more progres- 
sive is admirable. 


3. Effectiveness of teacher organization in the last 
analysis depends on “delivering the goods.”” When 
a local makes a genuine gain for education and for 
teachers, that “talks” more loudly than thousands 
of leaflets. In this connection the work of the Uni- 
versity of Washington deserves credit for success- 
fully defending academic freedom in two cases and 
helping to secure additional funds from the legisla- 
ture for the university. 


4. We must secure help from organized labor. This in- 
volves the securing of aid from the executive councils 
of the state federations of labor as well as the local 
unions. 


5. Each local member must be an active, able repre- 
sentative of the union. 


As we come to the period of the summer and our Na- 
tional Convention, we can move forward by seeing that 
each and every local is represented at Madison. This is 
destined to be one of the most important conventions in our 
history. We may have to decide questions of major im- 
portance in regard to labor affiliation and building. In any 
case we must plan for what will undoubtedly be the 
greatest organizational campaign we have ever attempted. 
In the forward march of humanity toward a richer and 
deeper life, the teacher has both a unique opportunity and 
an obligation. Let us begin to move now. 

Jerome Davis. 



























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tion Association convention voted to investigate the Board 


May-June, 1937 


For the Right to Organize 


St. Louis Local Wages a Winning Fight 
PAUL W. PREISLER 


The fifteen-year old anti-union rule, which prohibited 
St. Louis public school teachers from joining a trade or 
labor union, or an organization affiliated with a trade or labor 
union, was repealed on May 11, 1937 by the Board of 
Education of St. Louis by a vote of eleven for and one 
against repeal, after a two-year campaign by Local 420. 

During the first year of the campaign, about sixty resolu- 
tions opposing the rule were passed by labor organizations, 
and many committees visited the Board. 

Since these protests and resolutions did not produce the 
desired effect, Local 420 decided to enter the coming Board 
of Education election in April, 1937 with its own candidate 
running on a progressive union platform. Two important 
issues involving the educational system were at stake. 
First, the repeal of the anti-union rule and second, the 
bi-partisan election law which in effect confined the school 
board election to members of the Democratic and Republi- 
can parties. 

The election law for Board of Education members of 
the City of St. Louis was so framed that the ticket was 
restricted to the Democratic and Republican parties and 
prohibited the running of any other party candidate or even 
a non-partisan one, even though all candidates are required 
to present a nominating certificate containing about 8,000 
names. The very fundamental issue of democracy was 
involved here. If an election could legally be restricted to 
members of two parties, and if citizens could not nominate 
by petition or elect by writing in the name on the ballot, 
it would be but one step further to the one-party system 
of the fascists. 

Late in November, Local 420 announced its campaign to 
break the bi-partisan election law and to remove the anti- 
union rule by nominating its president, Paul W. Preisler, 
to the Board of Education of St. Louis as a non-partisan 
labor candidate. The main problems were obtaining the 
8,000 nominating signatures, and the court contest of the 
nomination which was sure to follow. 

Mr. Preisler and his supporters addressed nearly fifty 
meetings of labor unions and solicited signatures at labor 
union meetings and functions. Labor unions instructed their 
officers and members to assist in obtaining the signatures, a 
procedure previously unheard of in the St. Louis labor 
movement. 

Meanwhile, protests against the anti-union rule began to 
pour in to the Board of Education from locals of the 
A. F. T. and central labor unions, stimulated by the com- 
munications on the subject from the national office of the 
A. F. T. As many as eighteen were received and announced 
&t a single meeting of the Board. The Progressive Educa- 


and its anti-union policy and condemned such practices. 
The union and its campaign practically became a daily 
issue in the public press. 

Early in March the Board of Election Commissioners of 
St. Louis refused to accept the nominating certificates con- 
taining nearly 10,000 names, collected mainly by labor 
unions, on the ground that the candidate specified was non- 
partisan. Mr. Preisler immediately filed suit to compel the 
Election Board to place his name on the ballot. A real fight 
was on. On March 31, six days before the election on 
April 6, the court granted the writ. 

The election for mayor and aldermen was practically for- 
gotten. All eyes were focussed on the School Board election. 

In the five days remaining before the election, Mr. 
Preisler, as the Teachers Union non-partisan candidate, 
received the endorsements of fourteen labor unions and four 
organizations sympathetic to labor. The Teachers Union 
succeeded, in a four-day campaign, in inducing 11,076 
voters (nearly six percent) to support its candidate—a 
number considered by even old-line politicians as being 
phenomenal under the conditions. 

The immediate effect of the election was a renewed 
demand for repeal by various labor and civic groups sympa- 
thetic to labor. The matter was referred to a committee of 
the Board and an open hearing was scheduled for Monday, 
May 3. 

At this public hearing, not a single person spoke against 
repeal and many representatives of organizations for it. 
Four of the twelve Board members stated they would vote 
for repeal. 

Then the teachers’ associations, the “company unions”, 
got busy and teachers were confronted on Friday, April 30, 
with a secret poll to determine the “teachers’ attitude” 
toward repeal. Local 420 stated that no group of teachers 
had the right to tell others that they could not belong to a 
union and that the results of any poll could not be used to 
determine the right to union membership; the question 
involved was not union recognition but the right to join a 
union if one wished to join. 

On Friday, May 7, the Board committee held a closed 
session with the teachers’ association representatives who 
announced to them the result of their poll—455 for repeal 
and 2243 against—and declared that the Board should 
therefore allow the anti-union rule to remain. In spite of 
this, the Board committee voted 3 to 0 to recommend that 
the anti-union rule be repealed. 

Without further discussion, on May 11, the Board con- 
curred in the recommendation of its committee by a vote 
of eleven to one and the anti-union rule was no longer in 
existence. Union organization will now go forward. 


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The Social Security Act 


And The Unemployed 


DOROTHY W. DOUGLAS 


HAT SHOULD BE THE ATTITUDE of American teachers 

toward our present Social Security Act? I believe 
one of constructive but thoroughgoing criticism. We des- 
perately need to build up, not break down, the bases for 
real social security in this country. But our present act 
is so inadequate that forward-looking teachers, together 
with social workers and other labor and professional groups, 
have found it necessary to band together to demand a 
thorough revision of its principles along the lines of the 
Lundeen (Workers) Social Insurance Bill. 


We have done this because we stand for all-round protec- 
tion, nationwide in scope and covering all employments, 
for workers whose earnings are interrupted. We, like the 
social workers, appreciate the necessity for maintaining 
family standards of living during periods of unemploy- 
ment, during old age, and also during the circumstances of 
sickness, accident and death of the breadwinner, so that 
children may not enter adolescence handicapped for life by 
distressing experiences they have undergone. And we 
realize that the period of distress is just as devastating to 
the employee of the small employer as to the employee of 
the large, to the non-resident of a particular state as to the 
resident, to the worker in one line of employment as to 
the worker in another. 


The unemployment insurance features of the Social Se- 
curity Act are particularly inadequate. The act was passed 
in direct response to tremendous popular pressure against 
the intolerable conditions produced by the great depression. 
That depression at its depth saw some seventeen million 
persons unemployed and even today, with business long 
since reviving, some nine or ten million persons are still 
unemployed. Nor can any economist promise that—short 
of a war!—there is any prospect of returning in the near 
future to the relatively low level of unemployment prevail- 
ing during the 1920’s. Yet the act makes no provision for 
this fact. It leaves altogether out of account all the present 
unemployed and their families; it makes no provision for 
any protracted future depression; through the scale of 
benefits recommended by it to the several states and now 
incorporated in their laws it leaves the families of even the 
insured wage earners with not enough to live on; and 
it bases all its calculations for security upon the low unem- 


ployment figures of the 1920's. 


The way this sleight of hand is arrived at is through the 
formula of “payroll contributions”. The assumptions 
underlying it are as follows: First of all, it is assumed 
that really nationwide insurance for the unemployed, out 
of Federal taxes, would be too expensive—too expensive, 
that is, for the owners of concentrated wealth whom the 
Federal government alone can effectively reach. For of 
course, someone is paying the bill for all this suffering in 
any case: under the present arrangement, the workers and 
small farmers and professionals. (Payroll taxes mean raised 
prices, so the worker as consumer is bearing a double bur- 
den.) Next, it is evident that the surest way to protect 
the government from any possible claim for financial re- 
sponsibility in the matter is to have the unemployment 
insurance laws state laws, not Federal, and then to pro- 
vide that each state must assume full responsibility for 
keeping its funds “actuarially sound”—the Federal gov- 
ernment will pay nothing, either as a regular thing or in 
case of emergency. The states in turn raise their funds out 
of payroll taxes from employers (and in ten states em- 
ployees as well)—being “encouraged” to do so by the 
fact that if they do not, the Federal government will tax 
the employers a small amount anyway and keep the money 
in Washington where it will do neither the employers nor 
their workers any good. 


The whole pressure upon states in such circumstances 
is in turn to be niggardly, and this is precisely what they 
have been. No state has undertaken to give any direct 
financial aid to its scheme, and the workers of the country 
remain bottled up in the absurd framework of “payroll 
contributions”. As if a three per cent rate of contribution 
could take care of a twenty per cent rate of unemployment! 


The resulting absurdities of the benefit provisions are 
obvious. Less than half the workers of the country are 
covered even nominally. (Teachers are among those left 
outside—the public school teachers because they are public 
servants, and the private school ones because they work 
for non-profit-making institutions.* All workers in agricul- 
ture and domestic service are likewise excluded, and many, 
many others.) Then to qualify for benefit a worker must 
first have been steadily employed for a considerable time 
previously; benefits are not over fifty per cent of wages, 
there is no allowance for dependents, there is a “waiting” 


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ay-June, 1937 


period of several weeks before benefits may be paid, and 
benefits run for a maximum of fifteen or sixteen weeks out 
of the year—although even in good times the average period 
of unemployment runs longer than that. Finally in bad 
years, even the stated benefits could not possibly be paid! 


We need a national law, nationally administered, with 
the Federal government assuming full financial responsi- 
bility. We need an act that is more, not less comprehen- 
sive, than we have now. All attacks upon the Social Se- 
curity Act that aim to reduce its scope and leave yet more 
to the states are to be condemned unreservedly. This is 
the case with the attacks leveled upon the act by big busi- 
ness during the election campaign: they would have left 
all the aged to a “means” test and all the unemployed to 
further “experimentation” by the states! We must meet 
all such flank attacks with our eyes open. It is nationwide 


19 


social security, with an adequate financial basis, that Amer- 
ica has the right to demand for its workers. There is no 
surer way to encourage continued inadequacy and terrible 
irresponsibility, in this as in many other fields of labor and 
welfare legislation, than to continue to operate our pro- 
tection piecemeal, chopped up into forty-eight competing 
jurisdictions. 
Dorotuy W. Douc tas. 


*Teachers who, in addition to their salaries, receive 
“wages” in other part-time positions or during leaves of 
absence or after their retirement, and thereby qualify 
for Social Security, may receive the legal old-age benefits 
in addition to their teachers’ pensions. The exact con- 
ditions and sums of such benefits may be ascertained by 
request of the National Office of the A.F.T. 


Pennsylvania Wins Tenure 


SARA T. WALSH 


HE TEACHERS of Pennsylvania have placed upon the 

statute books a tenure law which ranks among the best 
of such laws in any state. In this achievement two things 
are significant; namely, the influence of the tenure prin- 
ciples of the American Federation of Teachers upon the 
final legislation, and the influence of the strictly classroom 
teacher groups in securing actual passage of the measure. 
Tenure has been an intermittent campaign of Pennsylvania 
teachers for the past twenty years. However, it was not 
until the A.F.T. entered the field in 1935 that a tenure 
bill worthy of the name was sponsored by any organiza- 
tion. The A.F.T. bill of that year was the first Pennsyl- 
vania tenure bill ever to include the principles of open 
hearing upon dismissal and right of appeal to the Court 
of Common Pleas. When Representative Kenneth Harkins 
introduced the final tenure bill of that session these 
features were included as the core of the bill. The Harkins 
bill was killed by the Republican-controlled Senate. 


With the opening of this session the effects of the original 
A.F.T. bill were clearly evident. Of the fourteen tenure 
bills introduced, eleven granted the right of appeal to the 
courts. The remaining three placed the- appeal in the 
hands of the Department of Public Instruction. Such a 
contrast is the best indication of the soundness of the 
A.F.T. principles. 


Long before the opening of the session, the A.F.T. at- 


tempted to bring the Pennsylvania State Education Asso- 
ciation into conference for a joint bill. Three invitations 
were evaded by President Mary McAndrews because of a 
desire to await the leadership of State Superintendent Dr. 
Lester K. Ade. The quality of this leadership was evinced 
at a conference finally called by Dr. Ade. There his legal 
representative presented as the only necessary tenure legis- 
lation an addition of about five lines to the School Code, 
to require written charges stating specifically the reason 
for dismissal and to provide a hearing (closed). It should 
have been evident from this that so far as tenure was 
concerned Dr. Ade was not representative of the teachers 
of this state. However, the P.S.E.A. preferred to await 
the call of Dr. Ade for further conferences on a joint bill. 


Early in February the steam was put under real tenure 
at the classroom teacher tenure conference attended by the 
Luzerne County Teachers, the State Teachers League, and 
the A.F.T. The P.S.E.A., slow to accept, also attended. 
When at the suggestion of the A.F.T. the representatives 
began to consider essentials to be agreed upon, the P.S.E.A. 
delegates pleaded other engagements. Pressed to stay, 
because of the undoubted benefits that would accrue to 


the 60,000 P.S.E.A. members as a result of the conference, — 


the delegates nevertheless left after deriding the state- 
ment that the conference bill would have the support of 
the Earle administration. 


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With the air cleared of suave evasion, the conference 
turned toward tenure realities. The A.F.T. bill as the 
most comprehensive was the basis of discussion and was 
checked item by item. Two modifications were agreed 
upon, forming the working basis for the new bill to be in- 
troduced by Senator Mundy. 


This bill, S 369, as it passed the Senate contained all 
of the essential protections and had picked up but one 
objectionable addition: namely, a clause excluding super- 
vising principals unless the major part of their time was 
devoted to teaching. Not at all strangely, this move of 
the school directors actually benefited the bill by splitting 
away from old controls the group with the smallest stake 
in the supervisory set-up and sending them clambering for 
a seat on the steam-roller. 


From the moment the bill was introduced the job of 
teacher organizations was to ward off attacks upon the 
bill and to concentrate teacher support back of it. How 
well this was done in Philadelphia is indicated by a sharp 
contrast in organizational performances. Upon the heels 
of the introduction of the bill the Philadelphia Teachers 
Association indulged in a week of “short and snappy” 
legislative rallies devoted solely to bitter tirades upon 
the principle of court appeal. Failure to estimate correctly 
the strength of the forces behind a measure affecting their 
members is inexcusable in organizational leaders. De- 
liberate attempts to obfuscate membership upon a measure 
wholly beneficial is completely discreditable. 


The P.S.E.A. Southeastern District Convention presented 
an opportunity to bring over two thousand teachers to 
enthusiastic support of the bill. Once more the chief speaker 
for whom the audience was adjured to remain, devoted him- 
self to a violent diatribe against the bill. In addition, the 
administration education leaders who spoke (two of them 
are P.S.E.A. members) were also curiously lukewarm to 
this bill of their own administration. 


An attempt by the A.F.T. to evoke an unequivocal state- 
ment of position at this point from the leaders of the 
P.T.A., the P.S.E.A., and the Public School Council failed. 
Mr. Zahn of the Council disdained to reply; Dr. Clark 
of the P.T.A. responded with a message which stated that 
“the organization of which I have the honor to be president 
has stated its position to its members for whom informa- 
tion is available through the regular channels”. Mr. Kelley 
of the P.S.E.A. was “in favor of S 369 with amendments”. 


The A.F.T. in contrast to this had in one day caused 
2,000 telegrams to be sent to the House from Philadelphia 
calling for support of S 369 as it passed the Senate. From 
Cambria County alone, where an A.F.T. local had just 
been formed, 7,000 postcards were sent with the same 
request. 


Amendments appeared in the House Education Commit- 





The cAumcan Teac 

) 
tee and added to the difficulties of John Bohn who was 
battling effectively to push the bill along and keep it intact, 
Democratic bolting from caucus decisions reached the 
point where the State Democratic Chairman had to be 
brought in frequently to Committee meetings to keep the 
strays in line. 


A public hearing on the bill before the House Education 
Committee was arranged. This hearing was preceded by 
a delegation of over a hundred and fifty A.F.T. people 
from Philadelphia wearing buttons requesting the open 
hearing and court appeal. Before the session opened the 
House presented the novel scene of a knot of teachers 
stationed around each legislative desk on the floor. The 
buttons bespoke tenure; the teachers talked tenure. Within 
a few minutes a general transfer had taken place. Many 
legislators were wearing the buttons and were talking 
tenure and wondering how many of their other constitu- 
ents had the same interest in the bill. 


The public committee hearing was the most dramatic of 
such events in a long period of legislative history. Argu- 
ments at this type of open hearing are of minor importance 
as compared with the demonstration of support given the 
bill. Over two thousand teachers attended to demonstrate 
just that support. Chief speaker for the school boards 
was Mr. Walter Biddle Saul from Philadelphia who 
turned his back upon the 2,000 teachers and addressing 
the committee directly, raised a criticism of a technical 
detail to a denunciation of the whole bill, finishing with 
an appeal to scrap the whole bill and to assert the simple 
right to go to court which teachers have always had. 


First speaker for the teachers was the writer, followed 
by Miss Baker of the League. The P.S.E.A. was repre- 
sented by three. Miss McGlynn was the mop-up speaker 
and she placed an effective axe through each opposition 
argument. Later Dr. Clark of Philadelphia stated briefly 
from the floor that his organization supported the bill. 


The chief fight on the bill came, as was expected, on 
its second reading in the House several days later. The 
story is too long and too detailed to recount in full. Suf- 
fice it to say that certain Democratic caucus decisions 
were broken, and the Democratic floor leader had the 
task of holding party members in line. The Republican 
opposition introduced several weakening amendments; 
these were all voted down, with comfortable vote margins. 
When several different weakening amendments were in- 
troduced by Democrats it required intensive lobbying on 
the part of the State Federation of Labor President, John 
Phillips, and party pressure from the Democratic floor 
leader to win victory for the teachers. 


Seated on the speakers’ rostrum during second reading 
were representatives from the A.F.T., the Luzerne County 
Teachers, and the State Teachers League. The hearing 


















May-June, 1937 





lasted more than seven hours, and settled the bill com- 
pletely. 


The third reading was but a formality. There was a 
general scrambling of legislators to get on the bandwagon. 
At this point, the only time in the entire campaign, P.S.E.A. 
officials appeared in the Capitol in significant attendance 
ready to make a dignified but unerring dive for the Gov- 


ho was 


od the 
to be 
ep the 


-_ 
oa te ernor’s office in the event the bill was to be signed. Ever 
people vigilant, they were able to scent the signing of a bill from 
- open points a hundred miles distant and were able to be present 
od the themselves, meticulous and unwearied, graciously ready 
achers for the official photograph to be taken. 
7 The That ceremony placed the law on the books. It marked 
Vithin a campaign which revealed the true friends of teachers— 
Many staunch, inexhaustible men like Dr. Mundy and Mr. 
alking Bohn, great steadfast groups like organized labor. More- 
— over, as relentlessly as the surgeon’s knife removes dead 
tissue from living matter, the events of this campaign 
r have removed the necrotic effect of the supervisory-con- 
Z of trolled groups from the vital mass of classroom teachers 
Feu. of this State. The classroom teachers this time recognized 
=e. clearly what they wanted. They knew how to get it. They 
a the should put this new gain to work to achieve wage justice 
strate @ for the underpaid and to bring to the children that type 
oards of education which they deserve and have not to date 
who Bf received. 
ssing 
nical ° 
with 
mple The Pennsylvania Tenure Law 
Whom does the bill protect? 
Teachers, principals, supervising principals, directors of voca- 
owed tional education, dental hygienists, visiting teachers, school 
secretaries (if selected from eligibility lists), school nurses 
pe certified as teachers, and any regular full time employee 
aker duly certified as a teacher. 
ition 


Is there a contract? 
Contracts must be signed not later than the date when the 
employee enters into service. 


What are the dismissal reasons? 


iefly 


» on Immorality, incompetency, intemperance, cruelty, wilful and 
The persistent negligence, mental derangement, wilful and per- 
Suf- sistent violation of the school laws of the state. 

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21 


What is the protection for present employees? 
Employees with present contracts not expiring before May 6 
must have contracts renewed May 6. 


Is there a probationary period? 
No. 
Can women be dismissed because of marital status? 
No. 
What type of notice is given? 
(a) Detailed written statement of reason for dismissal. 
(b) Announcement of time and place for hearing. 


When is the hearing? 

Ten to fifteen days after written notice. 
What is the type of hearing? 

Public unless otherwise requested. 


Can the teacher have witnesses subpoenaed? 
Yes. 


How does the board arrive at the decision? 
By a two-thirds vote. 


When is the decision given the teacher? 
Within ten days after the hearing is concluded. 


Does the teacher receive salary if vindicated? 
Salary is returned for time lost. 


What is the appeal provision? 
(a) To the Courts of Common Pleas. 
(b) Appeal expires thirty days after receipt of board decision. 
(c) Hearing set ten to twenty days after petition. 
(d) De novo hearing upon request. 


What protections are there against demotions in rank or type 
of position? 
Right to hearing and appeal as in dismissal, if employee 
refuses to consent to demotion. 
May the employee waive his rights? 
The contract specified in the tenure law stipulates that no 
waivers shall be recognized, whether orally or in writing. 








Welcome to New Locals 


No. 491 Bennington, Vermont Local 

No. 492 Bloomington, Minnesota Federation of 
Teachers 

No. 493 East Boroughs, Pennsylvania Federation of 
Teachers 

No. 494 Tri-County, Illinois Association of Federal 
Teachers 

No. 495 Lowell, Massachusetts Federation of Teachers 

No. 496 Minnesota Adult Education Teachers 
Federation 

No. 497 University Teachers Union (Montana) | 

No. 498 Galesburg, Illinois Federation of Teachers 

No. 499 Meeker County, Minnesota Local 

Gary, Indiana Teachers Union No. 4 has reorganized 

| No. 500 State College, Pennsylvania Teachers’ 
Association 

No. 501 Beaver County, Pennsylvania Federation of 

| Teachers 

No. 502 Anaconda, Montana Teachers’ Union 

No. 503 Clatsop County, Oregon Federation of 
Teachers 








No. 504 Lake County, Illinois Federation of Teachers 








| No. 505 Erie, Pennsylvania WPA Teachers 





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ERTAIN OBJECTIONS to labor affiliation for teachers 

C are raised so frequently that it is worth-while to 

examine them and to answer them. 

1. Teachers as an organized body must keep entirely free 
of any minority groups if they are to be able to test and 
weigh facts, to praise the good and condemn the bad. 

2. If teachers affiliate with the A.F.T. class enmity and 
warfare will result. 


3. Affiliation with the A.F.T. will prove inimical to the in- 
terests of our democratic social order. 


Now let us look at these contentions and the assump- 
tions underlying them: 


1. Teachers as an organized body must keep entirely 
free of any minority groups if they are to be able to test 
and weigh facts, to praise the good and condemn the bad. 


This statement, to my mind, is based on three assump- 
tions, namely: 1. Educators have been neutral. 2. Edu- 
cators are now neutral, and 3. Education should be neu- 
tral. I believe all of these assumptions are either false or 
fallacious. 

Let us take the first two together. Let us deal with 
uncontroverted facts, not with unfounded opinions or pious 
hopes. Let us draw on a careful and scholarly research 
recently completed by Professor Merle Curti under the 
auspices of the American Historical Association. Curti, 
one of the leading historians in the United States, opens 
one of the chapters in his report by quoting the following 
statement made by Roger Babson: 


However successful organized labor has been in many ways, 
it has never succeeded in directing the education of its chil- 
dren. Capital still prepares the school books and practically 
controls the school systems of the world. 

Here are Curti’s conclusions from his study of American 


educators: 


“In regard to the cause and cure of the farmer’s economic | 


difficulties, educators in general accepted uncritically the 
point of view of financiers and industrialists. . . . While 
educators were anxious to ameliorate the farmer’s lot, they 
had only disapproval for any real challenge, such as the 
Populists represented, to the dominant and prosperous 
lords of the city. . . . It was common for educators to 
show an even greater sympathy with the position of in- 
dustry and finance in its struggles with labor than in the 
tension between conservative wealth and the farmer... . 
Strikes were condemned [by educators] as inexcusable 
attacks on the social order. . . . When President Cleveland 


Answering Objections To The AF.T’ 


HAROLD C. HAND 


broke up the Pullman strike with Federal troops, the NEA 
commended him for his wisdom and firmness. . . . In no 
instance, apparently, did the Association [NEA] take 
cognizance of the causes of strikes or suggest other realistic 
means for the solution of grievances. It appears that vio- 
lence in strikes was not condemned when used by owners 
of factories and railroads or by the government. . . . Edu- 
cators accepted in general the business men’s outlook and 
consciously or unconsciously molded the school system to 
accord [therewith]. . . . Thus from the days following the 
surrender at Appomattox, education rendered assistance to 
industrial and financial capital in its struggles with other 
groups. . . . Despite these allegiances, the majority of 
educators subscribed to a classless society. . . . They were 
probably seldom conscious of having a class bias—they 
were simply supporting the order of things, which, as they 
had grown up in it, seemed inevitably right. . . . They 
thus substituted the doctrine that there ought not to be 
a class struggle for an inquiry into the actual tensions of 
society. The effect to this substitution was to leave the 
causes of tension almost untouched, and to provide a 
specious justification for whatever element in society hap- 
pened to have the economic upper hand, and a specious 
condemnation of opposing elements. . . . Rarely did educa- 
tors. . . . express sympathy with the militant struggles of 
workers. . . . With few exceptions, they [the educators] 
not only advanced social ideas thoroughly in keeping with 
those of the industrialists; they also aided in struggles with 
farmers and workers.” 


If any further proof of the falsity of the first two as- 
sumptions (“Educators have been neutral”; “Educators 
are now neutral”) is needed, it is abundantly at hand in 
another carefully conducted research by another eminent 
historian also made under the auspices of the American 
Historical Association (Howard K. Beale, Harpers, Oct., 
1934): “. . . Lawyers, merchants, manufacturers and 
bankers, representing a very small proportion of the popu- 
lation, control the boards. A recent analysis of several school 
boards found them to include the wife of the manager of 
a cement company, a retired hay and grain merchant . . ., 
a lawyer whose firm floated school bonds and fought gov- 
ernment ownership of utilities, a chemical manufacturer 
who made a fortune out of government contracts during 
the War, a manufacturer of cigars, a lumber merchant, 4 
grain speculator prominent in anti-labor fights, .~. . 4 
contractor, a traction company president bitterly opposed 












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to unions, . . . several corporation lawyers, several bank- 
ers, and several wealthy old ladies. . . . The influence of 
these business men gives them power over superintendents 
and teachers and subjects taught in the schools. They see 
T° that certain subjects are tabooed: government control of 

¢ M@ railroads in a railroad town; labor questions and company 
police in a steel town; criticism of the mill owners in a 
textile town; the fact that a particular local business is 
not paying its share of school taxes.” 


Apparently, if we are to accept the findings of Curti 
NEA f@ and Beale, American educators have mot been neutral in 
In no (@ the past, and they are mot neutral at the present moment. 


take Now let us point out the fallacy in the third assumption, 


alistic J that “Educators should be neutral”. 
it vio- By this time it is apparent to all who wish to discover 
wners 


the truth that with a few noteworthy exceptions the big 
Edu- business and industrialist group, with which education 
k and MJ has become affiliated, is opposed to the extension of free 
em to @ public education and is opposed to freedom of teaching 
ig the HH in the school. (I refer to the U. S. Chamber of Com- 
ice t0 HM merce, the National Industrial Conference Board, the utili- 
other @@ ties, the great associations of manufacturers, bankers, etc., 
ty Of I not to the small shop owners and middle class business 
were @ men.) They do this not because they are demons or 
-they [J wicked men, but because it is to their economic interest 
they 9@ and advantage. Again we draw on the research of Howard 
They #] K. Beale. The improvement of the general welfare in- 
to be H@ volves change; obviously, if unemployment and its attend- 
ns of #@ ant misery, frustration, and disease are to be removed, 
e the I the situation which bred these conditions must be changed. 
de aM Beale: “This [change] would necessarily disturb power- 
hap- ful elements which benefit from the old order. It is these 
cious Hi elements that control the schools, and they have always 
luca- opposed change. They seek to use the schools to ‘develop 
es of character’, to instill ‘respect for iaw and order’, to make 
tors] I ‘good citizens’, and ‘to teach patriotism’, but, when ana- 
with lyzed, these terms all mean to the interested groups un- 
with ff questioning acceptance of things as they are.” Thus we see 
that the group with which educators have consciously or 
) as- unconsciously aligned themselves are opposed to freedom 
ators of inquiry in the classroom, and we also see why they 
id in 7% are so opposed. It is to their economic interest and advan- 
inent #@ tage to prevent freedom of teaching in the schools. 
ican Now what of my allegation that this group seeks, usually 
Oct., secretly, to cripple the schools financially? Let us go to 
and Chicago for an illustration. There the so-called “Citizens 
opu- Bi Committee” which succeeded in seriously crippling the 
hool HM schools of that city was discovered to be made up of some 
t Of TM eighty-five industrialists and big business men, whose chil- 
‘+ Zi dren almost without exception were enrolled in private 
80v- @ schools. As representatives of the great property holders 
uret @ of Chicago, it was to their financial advantage to cripple 
rin the schools of that city. And these are the groups with 
it, 82 Bi whom Curti and Beale have found educators, with cer- 
tain notable exceptions, unwittingly to be serving! 
Let us as teachers recognize the unpleasant fact that 








23 


Curti and Beale have found us in reality (though not in 
theory) aligned against a numerically large group (I refer 
to organized labor) which is mow and which all through 
history kas been working and fighting for the extension 
of free education and for freedom of teaching. Listen to 
what A. M. Simons wrote in his book Social Forces in 
American History: “There is no other single force making 
for education that can be compared with the working- 
class movement, and there is no escape from the conclu- 
sion that to this movement, more than to all other causes 
combined, is due the common school system of the United 
States.” Read the careful research conducted by Philip 
H. V. Curoe entitled Educational Attitudes and Policies 
of Organized Labor in the United States for more abundant 
documentation of the fact that organized labor always has 
been and now is working and fighting for the provision 
of adequate educational opportunities for all the children 
of all the people. Read therein a scholarly treatment of 
organized labor’s five-point program concerning teachers 
and teaching. These five points are 1. increase of teachers’ 
salaries, 2. recognition of the right of teachers to organize, 3. 
better tenure laws, 4. teachers’ voice in the administration 
of school work, and 5. academic freedom—freedom to teach 
the truth, to present all sides of all controversial issues. 
Organized labor endorses the principle “that men and 
women in becoming teachers do not thereby surrender 
their rights as American citizens”. Let me quote from 
Beale’s research in this regard. “It [organized labor] has 
insistently demanded that more attention be paid in the 
schools to a realistic study of economics and social prob- 
lems of the new industrial order. Furthermore, labor 
has long fought the teacher’s battle for freedom. It has 
pleaded for emancipation of schools from propaganda and 
the teachers from pressures of particular groups. It op- 
posed the Lusk Laws and Loyalty tests.” 


In the light of these facts, I would like to know by 
what process of reasoning our critics arrive at the con- 
clusion that we should be neutral in the struggle between 
two groups, one of which is openly fighting for the exten- 
sion of free educational opportunities and that freedom of 
inquiry which is the prime essential to the preservation of 
our democracy, the other of which is more or less secretly 
seeking to cripple the schools financially and openly throt- 
tling freedom of inquiry in the name of patriotism. And 
yet, in the name of democracy, we are called upon to be 
neutral in such a struggle! 


2. If teachers affiliate with the A.F.T. class enmity and 
warfare will result. 

This contention is most extravagant. I had supposed 
that no one could read a daily newspaper with its accounts 
of strikes, labor injunctions, the use of armed company 
guards, etc., and remain ignorant of the fact that there 
exist situations of intense and often bitter struggle in our 
society today. However, this merely bears out Professor 





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24 






Curti’s observation that educators in general have “substi- 
tuted the doctrine that there ought not to be a class strug- 
gle for an inquiry into the actual tensions of society”. A 
little affiliation with organized labor might help to educate 
the educators in this regard. 


3. Affiliation with the A.F.T. will prove inimical to the 
interests of our democratic social order. 


If, as I have attempted to demonstrate, it is true that 
education is the life blood of democracy, and if it is true 
that organized labor always has been and now is working 
anc fighting for an adequate education for all children 
(not because organized labor is made up of altruists, but 
because it always has been, is now, and probably always 
will be to its economic advantage to have free schools and 


i 
The cAmmprican TEACH 


freedom of teaching), it is hard to see how anyone in pos 
session of the facts could argue that “affiliation with the 
A.F.T. will prove inimical to the interests of our democ 
racy”. On the contrary, it seems clear that democracy 
cannot endure unless we break away from the domina. 
tion of those groups who find it to their economic advan. 
tage to cripple the schools financially and to throttle free 
dom of inquiry in the classroom. In this regard, I be 
lieve that we should unite with the group which, mor 
than any other, has made possible the establishment and 
the maintaining of a system of free public education dedi- 
cated to a search for truth and, through the possession of 
truth, to the development of a better and finer life for al] 
of our people. I refer to organized labor. 


The Classroom 


Curriculum in Modern Schools 


The following article is the first to appear in Toe AMERICAN 
Teacuer from members of the Associated Experimental Schools. 
The several Associated Experimental Schools are all non-profit 
making and cooperative. They are perforce private schools but 
their chief concern is public education. Five are in New York City: 
the City and Country School (ages three years through thirteen), 
The Little Red School House (ages four through thirteen), Walden 
School (ages two through eighteen), and the two schools at 
69 Bank Street—The Harriet Johnson Nursery School (ages two 
through five) and The Cooperative School for Student Teachers (a 
training school for teachers in progressive schools). One is a 
suburban school, Hessian Hills School in Croton, N. Y. (ages 
two through fourteen), and one a rural school, Manumit in Pawl- 
ing, N. Y. (ages six through thirteen). 

This report illustrates educational attitudes common to the 
seven schools as they function in school practice. These attitudes 
are by no means the exclusive possession of these particular schools. 
Indeed the recent conference in New York showed that these edu- 
cational attitudes are shared by an impressively large body of union 
teachers in the public schools. 

Modern schools, from nursery schools to teacher training institu- 
tions, take into account something over and above the content; 
they add something to the school’s traditional job as a trans- 
mitter of subject matter. This added something has come in part 
from a study of children in action and in part from a study of the 
present-day world in which children, and all the rest of us, act. 
Learning takes on a more vital quality when it comes through 
direct experience instead of merely through sideline criticism or 
reports of others’ experiences. Moreover, vigorous experience de- 
mands some expressive outgo to complete the learning process; a 
child has not really learned a fact in the sense of having incor- 
porated it into his own being, unless he does something about it 
either in the way of tying this fact up to another fact, thereby 
creating a new thought, or in the way of translating this fact into 
his own expression through words, painting or other art medium. 

If the full implication of these briefly stated beliefs is accepted, 
the curriculum will perforce be organized to give opportunity for 
this active intake and outgo at every stage of maturity. Social 
studies cease to be a neat body of information, begun at twelve. 





Instead they stretch to the broad implications lying back of all 
human relations, personal, current or historic, and become an 
inherent part of school life at any age. 

Work and workers assume outstanding importance in the cur- 
riculum. Controversial issues instead of being banned are wel- 
comed into the classroom as challengers to thought. Thinking and 
living in the school become an adventure suitable to the age of 
the child. It is an adventure for the teacher, too, in her new 
participation in school administration and in the community. 
Even the parent achieves a functional relation in the organism 
which is the “whole school”. 

Mr. Studer’s article shows the practical way that these beliefs 
have moulded the curriculum in his particular group of thirteen- 
year-olds in a particular New York City environment. 

Lucy Spracue MITCHELL. 


Study of a Puerto Rican Community 


N THE SPRING of 1936 the Eighth Grade of The Little 
Red School House closed their books and turned to 4 
study of the living world around them. All year they had 
been learning from books about the development of American 
life since the Civil War and now they plunged into an ex- 
ploration of a segment of that life as yet uncharted by 
books. 

A trip to the Bureau of Naturalization started them off. 
Here they saw men and women in process of becoming 
citizens, something they had read about but had never wit- 
nessed. On this trip as on those that followed, the children 






betrayed their adolescent interest in how people feel, as the 


following discussion shows: 
John: 1 was impressed most by the room with men sit- 













“R@2GE3S 35 2c. 








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May-June, 1937 


ting on a bench, like a judge, firing questions at the poor 
immigrant— 

Nancy: Like a machine gun—“Where were you born? 
Are you married?” 

Peter: Oh, well. These people ask questions as a matter 
of course. They don’t mean to be hard-boiled. They have 
hundreds of people before them. It gets monotonous. 


Henry: I'm going to ask my father how he felt when he 
came before the officials. ; 

Joe: The examination seems to work like this: to the 
officer the immigrant is just another man in line. To the 
immigrant it is a new and important experience. 


Would it be possible to study the life of newcomers to 
our shore? The interest of the class was at a high pitch and 
they were eager to go on. Several immigrant groups were 
considered and the Puerto Ricans finally chosen. Techni- 
cally the inhabitants of Puerto Rico are citizens, but they 
present many problems of the immigrant from another 
country. We chose them because so little has been written 
about them and we wanted to explore virgin territory. We 
were ambitious. Besides, they are a recent group in this 
polyglot city and we wanted to study a group in which the 
impact of a new country was still fresh. 

Objectives were outlined in a discussion which prepared 
the way for the first trip: 

Richard: We could see what the people do for a livirig. 

Laura: We could visit homes and see housing condi- 
tions. 

Mary: We could see what they eat by going to markets 


and grocery stores. See if they bring their own food from 
Puerto Rico. 


Nancy: We could see whether people take advantage of 
them, as was done to the immigrants we read about. 


Teacher: How could we do that? 

Ralph: We could see what they charge in the district 
and then go outside and see what it costs elsewhere. 

Aaron: We could see what the schools are like. 

Mary: We could see if there is any antagonism toward 
other people. 

Teacher: How? 

Laura: By seeing how they treat us. 

Elsie: But we can’t judge them by how they act to us. 


They may shrink within themselves and say nothing. Then 
we will think them dumb but they are really not. 


One of the boys said he thought we ought to start on the 
trip in a “spirit of adventure, expecting anything to hap- 
pen”. Certainly we began with little more’ at our disposal 
than that spirit. There was very little information to guide 
us and that was out of date in this rapidly changing section 
of the city. A few reports buried in the files of welfare 
agencies were all the teacher could find in the way of studies 


- of the district. 


oe 


25 


The first exploratory trips were made to grocery, music, 
and book stores. We questioned clerks and customers, the 
children hanging back at first but finally participating in 
the interviews. We were polite and interested and every- 
where met with friendly receptions. The owner of a music 
store demonstrated native instruments made of gourds. 
Grocers told us about the diet of the Puerto Ricans. Cus- 
tomers volunteered information. Usually we went in small 
groups, staying in the district all forenoon and eating a 
lunch of Latin-American dishes at a Cuban workers’ center. 

A group of children who had been studying housing 
clamored for a chance to visit a Puerto Rican home. We 
hovered around one morning, uncertain how to make the 
approach, and finally told our desires to the proprietor of 
a cheap lunch stand, a native of the district. “Just ring 
a bell and tell ’em who you are,” he said. “They'll be 
glad to receive you.” 

We climbed some dark flights and rang a bell at random. 
An old uncomprehending woman opened the door and we 
were relieved when her son-in-law and daughter came to 
the rescue. They were alert, friendly and hospitable. The 
eight children and teacher filed into the tiny living room 
and stayed for an hour. The young husband brought out 
a tiny photograph which he proudly handed around. It 
was a picture of the little tropical village which he had 
left a few years before. They talked about their lives and 
we told them about our school. When the time came to 
leave they begged us to stay. It was as though we were 
leaving old friends. 


A colorful side of our exploration was the visit to herb 
shops filled with the mingled odors of pungent roots and 
leaves, in rows of glass jars. The Puerto Ricans had 
brought with them their medical lore of a pre-scientific 
age. Quackery flourished alongside of honest home reme- 
dies and some shops specialized in “snake oils for every 
sickness”. In one of these we met “Professor” Riviera, 
self-styled genius, who sold luck rings which had been worn 
by a black cat in the back room of the Oriental Dream 
Shop. 

Gradually we gathered a fairly rounded picture of life in 
one of the worst slum districts of the city. We found many 
evils and met some people who were in a small way work- 
ing toward a better life for these slum dwellers. 


The public library proved one instrument for good in 
the district. There special provisions are made in the lim- 
ited way possible in a public library, for meeting the cul- 
tural needs of young Puerto Ricans. A native Puerto Rican 
works with groups of children, reading to them, dramatizing 
books and even translating favorite Latin-American folk 
tales into English. This librarian took time to tell about 
her work and answered many questions. 

A trip to the Union Settlement house put us in touch 
with people who could speak with authority on many prob- 
lems plaguing these slum dwellers. A Henry Street nurse 
told about the appalling amount of tuberculosis, aggra- 
vated by bad housing. Racial discrimination was discussed 


in 


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26 


by a Puerto Rican social worker. 

By this time each trip was coming to be more and more 
of an adventure. The groups would come back bursting 
with their experiences and eager to share them with the 
rest of the class. The interest in things Puerto Rican was 
so keen that when a Puerto Rican superintendent of schools 
visited the class he was detained for two and a half hours 
by many questions fired in rapid succession. 

There were always unexpected, unpredictable experi- 
ences. One of them happened at the corner of Central Park 
where we stopped to rest after several weary hours of 
tramping sidewalks. A ragged boy came along, fishing 
for treasure in a refuse can. We started a conversation 
and learned that he was thirteen years old and in the fourth 
grade. He had come to New York the year before from a 
little tropical town where he could go swimming in the 
warm ocean waters every day. As he unrolled the drab 
story of his life, we recognized in the boy before us an 
embodiment of many of the problems the social workers 
had discussed. 

The children were learning to evaluate the testimony 
of the people we met. Their judgments were pretty sound. 
They disliked the American druggist who cynically sold the 
“magic” herbs in his drugstore, and they said he should 
know better. They detected racial prejudice when it 
cropped up. 

When the children began to sift and classify their find- 
ings they began to realize how hard it is to arrive at the 
truth. At first they had a tendency to accept statements 
at their face value but when the testimony began to be 
contradictory they were forced to winnow out the chaif. 

Education in the Puerto Rican section puzzled them at 
first. The mothers of two boys in the class were public 
school teachers and the son reflected the usual estimate 


Labor Notes 


Is THE SIT-DOWN LEGAL? 


HE legality of the sit-down strike has been hotly de- 

bated by labor leaders, columnists, and congressmen 
long enough for some of the smoke of battle to have cleared. 
It should now be possible to come to some sane conclusions 
on the questions of trespass, seizure of property, and law- 
lessness, as related to the sit-down. . . . Any major industry 
may properly be regarded as the joint result of the capital 
of the employer and the labor of the employee. The con- 
tribution of the worker is real and indispensable; no in- 
dustry could have been built without its active assistance. 
To this extent, then, a worker can legally be regarded as 
a partner in his industry, and not as an implement to be 
discarded when convenient. This view is fortified by the 
increasingly significant trend whereby workers, highly 
trained in specialized technique, become virtually unfitted 





The cAmmrican Teacx4 


of Puerto Ricans as being of low intelligence and having 
little interest in learning. The librarian gave an entirely 
different picture. She portrayed them as eager to learn and 
very responsive to the program of the library. After learn- 
ing about the overcrowded schools in that district and of 
the language handicap which these children face, we came 
to see that there was probably something wrong with the 
public schools, rather than with the Puerto Ricans. 

The group pooled all its findings into a general report 
which covered housing, labor, health and education. Maps 
were made showing the need for slum clearance and more 
playgrounds. Several children carried cameras and their 
pictures were mounted on a chart showing the findings of 
the class. 

The class did not stop at an objective analysis of con- 
ditions as they found them. They made a series of sug- 
gestions for bettering conditions. All agreed with a girl 
who said the government should “tear down the old fire- 
traps and put up modern buildings”. Education, they 
thought, could be improved by cutting down the size of 
the class and having teachers who knew the Spanish lan- 
guage, teachers who were sympathetic and understanding. 

From a study of the Puerto Rican section in New York 
the class went to a study of Puerto Rico itself. The entire 
project covered two months of work. Poems, drawings, 
character sketches and stories were written, based on the 
studies. 

At the end of that period there was a definite conviction 
on everyone’s part that this was the most valuable two 
months’ work of the year. Horizons had been widened. 
The walls separating school and society had been broken 
down. 

NorMAN STUDER. 





for a new occupation. Such considerations stimulate the 
view that the sit-downer is not trespassing, since he has a 
degree of property right in his job, and therefore has a legal 
right to take his place within the plant. . . . The charge of 
“seizure of property” carries the connotation of seizure for 
destruction or conversion, and yet the evidence in sit-down 
strikes is all to the contrary: meticulous care has been taken 
to avoid injury to machines, and strikers make no attempt 
to run the plant themselves. . . . To decide whether the sit- 
down is violent and lawless, one must remember that never 
before have such widespread labor struggles been resolved 
so quickly and so peacefully. Employers who formerly em- 
ployed violence now refrained, possibly because of the 
danger of injuring machines in addition to men. (But was 
it not truly lawless for the National Association of Manu- 
facturers to advise its members last year not to obey the 











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Wagner Relations Law?) . . . An historical view of the 
situation makes us realize that the sit-down is merely the 
transfer of the picket line into the plant. In the not too 
distant past, strikes and picket lines were regarded as 
illegal; in the present struggle to redefine labor rights, the 
trend seems in the direction of removing any stigma of 
illegality from the sit-down as well. Mr. Leon Green, 
noted constitutional lawyer, summarized the situation 
when he declared: “As long as the plant is occupied in 
good faith awaiting the adjustment of differences, occu- 
pation of the plant is not merely a privilege but the em- 
ployees’ right.” . . . It is a strategic but peaceful method 
of forcing negotiation. The “crime” of the sit-down lies 
not in its illegality but in its effectiveness. 


A Lecat SHACKLE 

HE defeat at Albany on April 21 of a bill which 
7 soecited compulsory incorporation of trade unions is 
a distinct victory for the New York labor movement, which 
fought this bill bitterly. Militant unionists everywhere are 
on guard against the proposal for incorporation or “regis- 
tration” of unions; it is a device, among others to which 
the vested interests in many states are turning now that 
the Wagner Act is validated. Behind a thin disguise of 
sympathy for tyrannized members of trade unions, the 
proposal is made to “register” unions in the manner of the 
British Trades and Disputes Act of 1927. This would in- 
clude official recording of officers, periodic accounting of 
finances, and “careful supervision” of election and strike 
votes. That unscrupulous employers would have a power- 
ful weapon is obvious. They could prevail upon the gov- 


27 


ernment to withdraw the charter of a militant union, for 
example, and could quickly judge the strength of a union 
(and its membership) from the financial statement. The pro- 
posal for compulsory incorporation can be made to seem 
sweetly reasonable. “It would become possible to sue a 
union, for it would then be a responsible organization.” 
But the vast majority of labor unions are mow suable. In 
1922, for example, the United Mine Workers of America 
were assessed by the court, and they paid, $27,500. Unions 
are responsible organizations, with long years of contractual 
experience. That more lawsuits against unions are not 
undertaken indicates that unions uphold their contracts, 
and that certain employers prefer to have recourse to in- 
junctions, which are easier to obtain than jury verdicts. 
. . » Compulsory incorporation, they tell us, would free 
unions from tyrannical leadership; dues would be kept 
down and racketeering would be eliminated. They choose 
to forget that most unions (especially the industrial unions) 
are democratic and have comparatively low dues. That 
racketeering and misuse of funds exist is unfortunately 
true. It is, however, far less common than labor enemies 
would have us believe, and in any case it is an abuse which 
labor, left alone, can and will correct. Labor cannot afford 
to surrender so much of its power to agencies which may 
prove hostile. . . . Since business incorporates, we are told, 
why shouldn’t labor? How blandly they forget that busi- 
nes corporations are organized for profit, and that this 
makes them fundamentally different from non-profit asso- 
ciations, such as labor unions. And since when is it com- 
pulsory for a business to incorporate, as the proposal pro- 
vides for labor? 


Tt 5 Happen in g Now 


Students Demonstrate Against War 


NE MILLION STUDENTS in colleges and high 

schools took part in nation-wide peace demonstrations 
on April 22. Among the highlights of this year’s peace day 
activities were: the fact that they were conducted by the 
United Student Peace Committee made up of thirteen 
national student organizations; the widespread codperation 
of school authorities with the students in arranging demon- 
strations; and in many places the taking of the Oxford 
Pledge against war, and “fasting” for a day in order to 
provide food for the Spanish people; in Minnesota the 
proclamation of Gov. Elmer Benson designating April 22 
as Peace Day. Nor was there much evidence this year of 
the repression and penalizing of students which have 
marked, in recent years, the April demonstrations. 


Wanted: Lower Ideals for Teachers 

A TEACHER from one of the cities in Illinois reports that 
she is being dismissed this year with a statement by the 
Superintendent that her ideals are too high for the town in 
which she is teaching and that he would advise her to seek 
employment in a university. There is good reason to be- 
lieve that the real cause for the dismissal is the fact that 
the teacher has reached the maximum salary and that a 
new teacher (perhaps one with ideals sufficiently low) can 
be employed for several hundred dollars less. 


High Time 

AT LAST the conditions in Harlan County, Ky., are being 
given a full airing. Testimony was taken in April before the 
La Follette Civil Liberties Committee on the reign of terror 





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which has existed long before and since the famous “Battle 
of Evarts” in May 1931. Among the facts revealed was 
the complete destruction of all records of the coal opera- 
tors’ association which would show amounts spent on the 
prosecution and “framing” of the miners. . . . The sheriff 
of Harlan County, T. R. Middleton, was also president of 
a coal company, whose deputies were recommended for 
removal by a Grand Jury because of criminal charges 
against them in the courts. . . . One witness at Washington 
has already been threatened with “a burial in Arlington” 
unless he leaves Washington during the investigation. One 
of the blackest pages in the history of our civil liberties is 
slowly being exposed to the public. 


Legislative Action for Mooney and Billings 


THE CAMPAIGN to free Tom Mooney and Warren Bill- 
ings is advancing. The introduction of a bill in the Cali- 
fornia Assembly to provide a legislative pardon and ex- 
oneration for the two men has been announced. At the 
same time a petition for their immediate and unconditional 
release is being circulated in Congress by Representative 
William J. Fitzgerald, a member of the International 
Moulders’ Union. 


Thomas Mann on the Goettingen Festival 


THOMAS MANN, the distinguished author and exile from 
Nazi Germany, in his recent trip to this country, gave to 
reporters a most explicit explanation why American uni- 
versities should not send their representatives to the 
Goettingen festival this summer: 

“People should not go, since all the festivals there are 
political—all Nazi propaganda. They are all political—all 
Nazi!” 

That some of our universities appreciate this elementary 
fact has been shown by lack of interest and refusal of invi- 
tations, and also by the information that some schools are 
sending men, notably teachers of German. . . . Do they 
wish to imbibe the well-known alien propaganda at its 
fountainhead? 


Levisleti 


PROSPECTS for the repeal of Michigan’s teacher oath 
laws are good with the favorable report on the bill by the 
Senate State Affairs Committee. Protests, led by Michigan 
teachers, have had this influence even on the conservatives 
in the legislature. . . . Governor Martin of Washington 
has signed the bill to repeal the state criminal syndicalism 
law. . . . A sedition law to replace the old insurrection law 
of slave days in Georgia, under which many convictions 
have been made in recent years, was defeated in the Georgia 
assembly after passing the Senate. . . . In Ohio the Senate 
has passed a measure to provide seven million dollars in 
state aid for parochial and private schools. . . . Con- 
gressman Emanuel Celler has introduced into Congress 





a bill to reestablish the right of asylum in the United States 
for political and religious refugees. . . . Also in Congress is 
the Nye-Kvale bill providing for the establishing of ROTC 
in educational institutions only when the enrollment in such 
a unit is elective and not compulsory. 


Cheap Labor 


ON the basis of a “living wage” computation made by the 
National Industrial Conference Board, a woman needed 
$16.53 a week to “live” in 1926. The Welfare Council of 
New York City has a present estimate of $16.00. But how 
many working women receive this minimum? Upon avail- 
able figures, in New York City, probably 70 per cent of the 
women at work receive wages below this estimate. The 
Home Relief Bureau found that 6,674 women workers, sup- 
porting families, needed relief checks to supplement their 
earnings. In other words, the state pays some two million 
dollars to make up for the low wages paid by employers. 


Some Figures 


GENERAL MOTORS had a wonderful year—according to 
the financial pages. Net income: $238,482,425.00. In 
size, output and sales one of the world’s industrial giants. 
More significant in this light is the contract won from the 
corporation by the United Auto Workers. 


The Other Side of a Question Explained 


IN session shortly after the Supreme Court had approved 
the Wagner Labor Act, the National Association of Manu- 
facturers came out with a series of pious manifestos. Ex- 
plaining that “organized labor leaders” had added new bur- 
dens to their endeavors to bring “complete re-employment”, 
they indicated a new approach to the Wagner Act by an 
opinion that the government “owes the same duty to work- 
ers who do not desire to join a union as to those who do”. 
Ever righteous, they promised the consumer the shield of 
“resistance to extreme and arbitrary demands [union wages] 
which threaten to skyrocket prices”. Perhaps the coup de 
grace, though, was the admission that within its member- 
ship “are many pioneers in collective bargaining”. Pioneers 
in the use of industrial espionage and tear gas were not, 
somehow, recalled. 


Reduce on Your Vacation in Germany 


ACCORDING to a dispatch in The New York Times, every 
vacationist and hiker in Germany will carry a “traveling 
butter card”. This card will be required for the purchase 
of butter by vacationists going from one part of the Reich 
to another. All that the German people need now is a re- 
movable gag to keep their mouths shut between the times 
they don’t eat butter. 


This Is “News” Also 


IN the face of the extreme partiality of a section of the 
American press to General Franco and fascism in Spain, the 


The cAmmRICAN Teacued 









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news of the work of the Loyalists in caring for refugee chil- 
dren, which completely contradicts the lurid propaganda re- 
porting of the Hearst press and some other papers, is grati- 
fying. Lawrence Fernsworth of The New York Times made 
a visit to the camps and colonies for children established 
by the government and reported that, in his opinion, which 
he checked against the observations of other correspondents, 
Spanish women and children had not been treated with such 
kindness as they are now receiving for many years. . . . 
And opposed to the usual religious atrocity story, we have 
the news of religious freedom in loyalist Spain, confirmed by 
the words of Father Leocadio Lobo, a vicar in Madrid, that 
“especially when the fascists have been driven out, the 
Spanish Catholics will have full guarantees of their rights”. 


Nazism and Religion 

THE continuing conflict between Hitlerism and the Prot- 
estant and Catholic Churches in Germany seems to be but 
one indication of a mounting resentment among the Ger- 
man people at the monstrosities of the Nazi regime. Fol- 
lowing the papal encyclical of Palm Sunday, there has 
been a new outburst against the Catholic Church in typi- 
cal Nazi style. Slanderous accusations fill the first pages 
of the official press; collections for Catholic charities have 
been banned. The idea of an election in the Protestant 
Church has been abandoned. More significant is the news 
that elections to the Works Councils in the Labor Front 
have been postponed for another twelve months, and no 
elections have been held in the last two years. But Herr 


29 


Hess fulminates: “We knew God was with us Germans 
when he sent us Hitler.” . . . Or was it someone else? 


American Revolutionaries in Session 

ACCORDING to the press, the 3,000 delegates to the 
forty-sixth convention of the Daughters of the American 
Revolution, at the close of their sessions, congratulated 
each other on the serenity of their convention—which was 
a way of admitting that any incipient minority had been 
effectively crushed. The usual series of reactionary reso- 
lutions was passed. All on the best of grounds. The Presi- 
dent’s Court Plan was opposed without vocal opposition. 
The Nye-Kvale bill was disapproved as “interference with 
State education and a handicap to the defense policy of the 
United States”. . .. We almost forgot, Mrs. William Becker, 
president-general of the D.A.R., was in turquoise blue lace. 
etc. 


The Small Business Man 

“ONE of the most vexing problems” facing the newspaper 
publisher is “the determination of the status of the news- 
paper boy”, according to one of the reports presented at 
the recent meeting of the American Newspaper Publishers’ 
Association in New York. The question arises because of 
the operation of the Social Security Law. There is some 
danger, the report continues, that newsboys might be con- 
sidered as newspaper employes “irrespective of the fact 
that the great majority may be operating under the so- 
called ‘Little Merchant Plan’ ”’. 


The Teachers Union in Action 





NATIONAL NEWS 





Proposed Convention Arrangements 
FIRST DAY 
A.M. 

1. Addresses of welcome by Mayor, Governor, President 
of Federation of Labor of Wisconsin, and President of 
Madison local. 

2. Appointment of convention committees by President. 

P.M. 
1. Two speeches. 
2. Reading of convention procedure. 


EVENING 
1. Local entertainment. 


SECOND DAY 
A.M. 
. One speech. 
Reports of standing committees. 





P.M. 
1. Luncheon. 
2. Reports of Regional Vice-Presidents. 
EVENING 


1. Meetings of all committees. 


THIRD DAY 

A.M. 
1. One speech. 
2. Reports of two committees. 
3. Panel discussion on selected subject. 

P.M. 
1. Panel discussion on national and state legislation. 
2. Adoption of legislative program. 


FOURTH DAY 
A.M. 
No speeches. 
1. Reports of committees. 
P.M. 
1. Panel discussion on organization plans. 


2. Adoption of organization plans. 





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1. One speech. 
2. Reports of committees. 


P.M. 
1. Election. 
2. Adjournment. 


Suggested Speakers for the Convention 

. Mrs. Roosevelt. 
. Miss Perkins. 
. Miss Mary Anderson. 
. Mr. Oliver, Vice-President Non-Partisan League. 
. Member Executive Committee of the A. F. of L. 
Member Executive Committee of the C.1.0. 
. Leading progressive U. S. Senator. 
Fraternal delegate. 

9. Spencer Miller. 
10. Representative of the TVA. 
11. Representative of the Consumers League. 
12. Speaker on the Supreme Court issue. 


ONAN AWK 


Suggested Rules Governing Convention Program 

1. Speakers not appearing on the printed program shall be 
allowed the platform only 
(1) by approval of the Executive Council 
(2) shall be presented only after the printed program 

has been completed. 

2. Executive Secretary shall urge speakers to a definite 
time limit. (Probably not to exceed 30 minutes.) 

3. Executive Council shall present tenets of American 
Federation of Teachers to convention at an early ses- 
sion. All resolutions involving principles of any tenet 
shall be declared covered by said tenet and the resolu- 
tion need not be read in full at the convention. 

4. No resolution or report shall be released to the public 
or the press until passed on by the convention. The 
literature and posters at the convention shall be care- 
fully considered by the Executive Council and may ap- 
pear at the convention hall only with the approval of the 
Executive Council. 





NEWS from LOCALS 





Teachers in Gary Reaffiliate. Two hundred and fifty 
teachers and labor leaders attended a recent dinner in Gary, 
Ind., to welcome the newly formed Local 4 of the A.F.T. 
to the labor movement. Speakers were Miss Lillian Her- 
stein, member of the Executive Board of the Chicago 
Women Teachers Union and Executive Board of the Chi- 
cago Federation of Labor; Irvin Kuenzli, national Sec- 
retary-Treasurer of the A.F.T.; Mrs. Mary Herrick, na- 
tional Vice-President, A.F.T.; Carl Mullen, President of 
the Indiana State Federation of Labor, and others. At 
nine o’clock it was announced that in a school-wide refer- 


The cAmmnican TEAcw 


Teachers Federation, comprising about 90%. of Gary 
teachers, had voted 2 to 1 for reaffiliation with the A.F.T., 
from which they had withdrawn sixteen years ago. Ac- 
cording to the Gary Post-Tribune, this announcement was 
greeted “with wild acclaim!” 


Elyria Labor Backs Local A.F.T. Program. The Elyria, 
O., Central Labor Union unanimously authorized the 
sending of letters to members of the Ohio legislature taxa- 
tion committee and to Governor Davy, requesting them to 
oppose the continuation of inroads on the revenues pro- 
vided for the support of the Foundation program. A dele- 
gation of four members of the C.L.U., including two 
teachers, visited Senator Hurley of the taxation committee 
to ask help in introducing adequate revenue measures for 
the program. The Elyria Federation of Teachers, Local 
334, has also sponsored the formation of a credit union 
available to all members of the Federation and all school 
employees of Elyria. 


Minnesota State Federation of Teachers Holds Con- 
vention. The Minnesota State Federation of Teachers 
Convention was held at Labor Temple, Saint Paul, toward 
the end of March. All locals were present with the ex- 
ception of Mankato, which was snowbound. Resolutions 
were adopted concerning: a state wide salary study; a 
single salary schedule for men and women; inequalities 
of the Harrison-Black Bill then before U. S. Congress; 
the income tax and social security bills. It was also re- 
solved to send a letter direct to Governor Benson as to 
the legislation needed for adequate educational revenues 
in cities of the first class. Professor Sorenson was elected 
president for the coming year, and Sara Neprude secretary- 
treasurer. Suggestions for a state-wide organizing commit- 
tee and a state-wide grievance committee were adopted. 
At the final dinner meeting a report was made on the 
Superintendents’ Convention in New Orleans. In this re- 
port it was pointed out as an anomaly that a liberal state 
like Minnesota should have so many reactionary school 
superintendents. 


Atlanta Teachers Ask for Salary Restoration. The 
Atlanta, Ga., Public School Teachers Association, Local 89 
of the A.F.T., has petitioned the Atlanta School Board for 
restoration of salaries. The resolution states: “Whereas, 
the Atlanta Public School Teachers Association has prac- 
ticed highly professional action during the days of the 
depression by making every effort and sacrifice to keep 
intact the outstanding program of education in operation in 
Atlanta and . . . Whereas, the constantly rising cost of 
living will work increasing hardships unless there is a rise 
in salary levels. . . . Therefore, be it resolved that we, the 
Atlanta Public School Teachers Association, reaffirm our 
devotion to the best interest of education in Atlanta and 
that we respectfully request the Board of Education to 


endum conducted that day, the members of the Gary 







SFXMSEeryFagers 


288 8 SBUY CL 


SS a a eh re le ell hlCUuv.hCULlhlCUr . - | 








ay-June, 1937 






apply all money possible to as large a reduction of the 
heavy cut of teachers as possible, leading to a full restora- 
tion of salaries in order that we may be upon the same 


e Gary 


A.F.T. . 
©. Ac. Igy basis as other city employees. . . .” At the same meeting 
nt was fe Of the Atlanta Public School Teachers Association, Miss 


Ira Jarrell was reelected president for the coming year. 
According to vote of the association, members of the Execu- 
tive Committee will be delegates to the Georgia State 


mye Federation of Labor Convention, which meets in Atlanta. 
= tone The president was authorized to appoint delegates to the 
lesien dil Atlanta Federation of Trades for the coming year. 

*S pro- 

\ dele- Conditions in Cincinnati. Local 479, chartered last 
ig two December, has been the special object of attack from the 
mittee Downtown Property Association and the Chamber of Com- 
res for MJ merce of Cincinnati, O. Despite this concerted attack, the 


Local J local has grown in its few months of existence to six or 
union seven times its charter membership and now numbers 
school several hundred teachers. Present conditions in Cincinnati 

make the existence of this local of great importance. Cin- 

cinnati, noted for its excellent financial condition through- 
- Con. out the depression, has one of the best school systems in 
achers the country and one of the best single salary schedules. 


oward Relatively small cuts were given during the depression. 
1e ex- Recently, due to the activities of organized pressure groups, 
utions a special three mill levy for operation of the schools was 


dy; a defeated. The School Board refused to submit another 
alities levy at a special election but voted to close the schools 


gress: six weeks early this school year and to open them six 
50 re- weeks late next fall. As a result, the children of Cincinnati 
as to will be out of school for a period of five months and the 


enues teachers will be without pay for a similar period. 
lected 


eaey- Cleveland Reports on Salaries. Local 279, Cleveland, 
amit- O., has prepared and published a Report of Investiga- 
pted. tion of Salary Conditions, covering Tax Revenues for 
. the Cuyahoga County and Cleveland School District, Per 
vies Pupil Costs in Eighteen Largest Cities, Teacher Salary 


Restoration in Sixteen Largest Cities. As a result of this 
Teport, the local voted to instruct the Salary Committee to 
accept only 100% restoration and in the event the Board 
of Education chose to give anything less, to call a special 
The meeting of the local. The local also voted to make a study 
al 89 of the Ohio State Teachers Retirement System, this study 


chool 


d for to include a survey of retirement systems throughout the 
reas, country. (Note: This is a splendid report. Locals are 
prac- urged to make such surveys and publish such reports, sub- 

the mitting copies for file at the National Office. They are 
keep of great value to the organization. Ed.) 


Cleveland WPA Local Reports Varied Accomplish- 
ments, A recent bulletin of Local 448, WPA Teachers, 
Cleveland, O., summarized many important accomplish- 
ments: Local 448 promoted and organized a twelve-week 
training course for teachers on the project. It drew up a 









31 






comprehensive plan for a permanent program of Adult 
Education and submitted it to 120 officials throughout the 
country. The plan stimulated much commendatory re- 
sponse. The Welfare Committee has made a practice of 
visiting teachers who have been reported and bringing 
messages of cheer and friendship. The favorable settlement 
of numerous grievances is also reported: Case A: Recrea- 
tion worker laid off; excuse, “Not Enough Work”, but 
strong indication of discrimination. Case taken to Labor 
Relations Board; worker reinstated. Case B: Teacher was 
to lose most of time because of small classes. Interview 
with supervisor resulted in teacher being transferred to 
more suitable and therefore more successful classes. . 
Cases I and J: Teachers laid off on Priority Ruling were 
rehired. Case K (General): New ruling that rehired 
teachers could receive no more than one-thirtieth of pay 
period each day of remainder of period was defeated. The 
Grievance Committee also prevented the cutting down of 
literary classes to a shortened period. 


Resolutions of Teacher Delegates Adopted at Penn- 
sylvania State Federation of Labor Convention. Dele- 
gates of Local 192, Philadelphia, and Local 344, Delaware 
County, presented the following resolutions at the Penn- 
sylvania State Federation of Labor Convention: 1. That 
the Convention petition the Congress of the United States 
to expand the Adult Education Program. 2. That the Con- 
vention call for an investigation by the state authorities 
of the breaking up of a peaceful picket line and wanton 
abuse of powers by the Chester police and firemen at the 
Sun Shipbuilding and Drydock Company, Chester, Pa., 
on December 7, 1936. 3. That the Convention request 
the state administration to investigate all fascist activities 
in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 4. That the State 
Federation of Labor urge the State Council of Education 
to appoint a committee, containing representatives of labor, 
to study, and recommend inclusion of, apprepriate courses 
of study in the schools to the end that labor’s history may 
be fairly presented. All these resolutions were adopted. . . . 
The Pennsylvania Federation of Teachers, state organiza- 
tion of the A.F.T. locals, has succeeded in securing the 
passage of what the Federation considers the best tenure 
law in the country. The Federation is also working ac- 
tively for the Sabbatical Leave bill for public school teachers 
and for a bill to provide minimum salary of $1200 a year 
for rural teachers in rural districts. It is no less actively 
opposing bills which would give the State Council of Edu- 
cation power to prescribe qualifications for teacher certifica- 
tion. The Federation believes that this is a “back door 
threat against tenure” and that regulation of certification 
must be kept in the hands of the legislature which has 
shown itself sensitive to public and professional opinion. 
. . . Swarthmore College teachers and professors in Local 
344 are active in the Central Labor Union and, working 
with the Students Union, have helped to organize unor- 
ganized workers in Delaware County. 























PPRLYE PEE PRR Pm ne 





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trae eos 


tes 


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 AWYUT CD 


: a 
fn 






SS SSE ONS 









a al Oe 











The cAmmrican Teacn 


endum conducted that day, the members of the Gary 
A.M. Teachers Federation, comprising about 90% of Gary 































1. One speech. teachers, had voted 2 to 1 for reaffiliation with the A.F.T., | "™ 
2. Reports of committees. from which they had withdrawn sixteen years ago. Ac- jy 
P.M. cording to the Gary Post-Tribune, this announcement was et 
1. Election. greeted “with wild acclaim!” Ira 
2. Adjournment. om 
' Elyria Labor Backs Local A.F.T. Program. The Elyria, fy °° 
tates _ = pen Ne et Soeien O., Central Labor Union unanimously authorized the 
2. Miss Perkins ; sending of letters to members of the Ohio legislature taxa- Atle 
3. Miss Mary rm on tion committee and to Governor Davy, requesting them to 
4. Mr. Oliver, Vice-President Non-Partisan League. — ean of Seen ow Ce NEES yee 
5. Member Executive Committee of the A. F. of L. wae me Ge aEynt of Oe Sener 9 —— a om. C 
6. Member Executive Committee of the C.1.0. ote St he ene of Oe CL, Eg ee 
7. Leading progressive U. S. Senator. teachers, visited Senator Hurley of the taxation committee Dor 
8. Fraternal delegate. to ask help in introducing adequate revenue measures for mer 
9. Spencer Miller. the program. The Elyria Federation of Teachers, Local loc 
10. Representative of the TVA. 334, has also sponsored the formation of a credit union sevi 
11. Representative of the Consumers League. available to all members of the Federation and all school sev 
12. Speaker on the Supreme Court issue. enplayors of Ripe. ~ 
Suggested Rules Governing Convention Program Minnesota State Federation of Teachers Holds Con- out 
1, Speakers not appearing on the printed program shall be vention. The Minnesota State Federation of Teachers the 
allowed the platform only Convention was held at Labor Temple, Saint Paul, toward Re 
(1) by approval of the Executive Council the end of March. All locals were present with the ex- Re 
(2) shall be presented only after the printed program ception of Mankato, which was snowbound. Resolutions as 
has been completed. were adopted concerning: a state wide salary study; a def 
2. Executive Secretary shall urge speakers to a definite single salary schedule for men and women; inequalities lev 
time limit. (Probably not to exceed 30 minutes.) of the Harrison-Black Bill then before U. S. Congress; six 
3. Executive Council shall present tenets of American the income tax and social security bills. It was also re- we 
Federation of Teachers to convention at an early ses- solved to send a letter direct to Governor Benson as to wil 
sion. All resolutions involving principles of any tenet the legislation needed for adequate educational revenues tea 
shall be declared covered by said tenet and the resolu- in cities of the first class. Professor Sorenson was elected 
tion need not be read in full at the convention. president for the coming year, and Sara Neprude secretary- | 
4. No resolution or report shall be released to the public treasurer. Suggestions for a state-wide organizing commit- 0. 
or the press until passed on by the convention. The tee and a state-wide grievance committee were adopted. tic 
literature and posters at the convention shall be care- At the final dinner meeting a report was made on the Ct 
fully considered by the Executive Council and may ap- Superintendents’ Convention in New Orleans. In this re- Pi 
pear at the convention hall only with the approval of the port it was pointed out as an anomaly that a liberal state R. 
Executive Council. like Minnesota should have so many reactionary school re 
superintendents. ac 
of 
Atlanta Teachers Ask for Salary Restoration. The m 
N E W S from L O C A L S Atlanta, Ga., Public School Teachers Association, Local 89 of 
of the A.F.T., has petitioned the Atlanta School Board for to 
Teachers in Gary Reaffiliate. Two hundred and fifty restoration of salaries. The resolution states: “Whereas, co 
teachers and labor leaders attended a recent dinner in Gary, the Atlanta Public School Teachers Association has prac- ul 
Ind., to welcome the newly formed Local 4 of the A.F.T. ticed highly professional action during the days of the m 
to the labor movement. Speakers were Miss Lillian Her- depression by making every effort and sacrifice to keep of 
stein, member of the Executive Board of the Chicago intact the outstanding program of education in operation in 
Women Teachers Union and Executive Board of the Chi- Atlanta and . . . Whereas, the constantly rising cost of 
cago Federation of Labor; Irvin Kuenzli, national Sec- living will work increasing hardships unless there is a rise ‘. 
retary-Treasurer of the A.F.T.; Mrs. Mary Herrick, na- in salary levels. . . . Therefore, be it resolved that we, the C 
tional Vice-President, A.F.T.; Carl Mullen, President of Atlanta Public School Teachers Association, reaffirm our . 
the Indiana State Federation of Labor, and others. At devotion to the best interest of education in Atlanta and ts 


nine o’clock it was announced that in a school-wide refer- 


that we respectfully request the Board of Education to 












slyria, 
1 the 


em to 
$ pro- 
dele- 
r two 
nittee 
es for 


union 


chool 


Con- 
chers 
ward 
P ex- 
tions 
ly; a 
lities 
TESS ; 
O re- 
as to 
nues 
acted 
tary- 
ymit- 
Dted. 
the 
3 re- 
state 
hool 


The 
] 89 
| for 
eas, 
rac- 
the 
ceep 
n in 
t of 
rise 


our 
and 


ay-June, 1937 


apply all money possible to as large a reduction of the 
heavy cut of teachers as possible, leading to a full restora- 
tion of salaries in order that we may be upon the same 
basis as other city employees. .. .” At the same meeting 
of the Atlanta Public School Teachers Association, Miss 
Ira Jarrell was reelected president for the coming year. 
According to vote of the association, members of the Execu- 
tive Committee will be delegates to the Georgia State 
Federation of Labor Convention, which meets in Atlanta. 
The president was authorized to appoint delegates to the 
Atlanta Federation of Trades for the coming year. 


Conditions in Cincinnati. Local 479, chartered last 
December, has been the special object of attack from the 
Downtown Property Association and the Chamber of Com- 
merce of Cincinnati, O. Despite this concerted attack, the 
local has grown in its few months of existence to six or 
seven times its charter membership and now numbers 
several hundred teachers. Present conditions in Cincinnati 
make the existence of this local of great importance. Cin- 
cinnati, noted for its excellent financial condition through- 
out the depression, has one of the best school systems in 
the country and one of the best single salary schedules. 
Relatively small cuts were given during the depression. 
Recently, due to the activities of organized pressure groups, 
a special three mill levy for operation of the schools was 
defeated. The School Board refused to submit another 
levy at a special election but voted to close the schools 
six weeks early this school year and to open them six 
weeks late next fall. As a result, the children of Cincinnati 
will be out of school for a period of five months and the 
teachers will be without pay for a similar period. 


Cleveland Reports on Salaries. Local 279, Cleveland, 
0., has prepared and published a Report of Investiga- 
tion of Salary Conditions, covering Tax Revenues for 
Cuyahoga County and Cleveland School District, Per 
Pupil Costs in Eighteen Largest Cities, Teacher Salary 
Restoration in Sixteen Largest Cities. As a result of this 
report, the local voted to instruct the Salary Committee to 
accept only 100% restoration and in the event the Board 
of Education chose to give anything less, to call a special 
meeting of the local. The local also voted to make a study 
of the Ohio State Teachers Retirement System, this study 
to include a survey of retirement systems throughout the 
country. (Note: This is a splendid report. Locals are 
urged to make such surveys and publish such reports, sub- 
mitting copies for file at the National Office. They are 
of great value to the organization. Ed.) 


Cleveland WPA Local Reports Varied Accomplish- 
ments. A recent bulletin of Local 448, WPA Teachers, 
Cleveland, O., summarized many important accomplish- 
ments: Local 448 promoted and organized a twelve-week 
training course for teachers on the project. It drew up a 





31 


comprehensive plan for a permanent program of Adult 
Education and submitted it to 120 officials throughout the 
country. The plan stimulated much commendatory re- 
sponse. The Welfare Committee has made a practice of 
visiting teachers who have been reported and bringing 
messages of cheer and friendship. The favorable settlement 
of numerous grievances is also reported: Case A: Recrea- 
tion worker laid off; excuse, “Not Enough Work”, but 
strong indication of discrimination. Case taken to Labor 
Relations Board; worker reinstated. Case B: Teacher was 
to lose most of time because of small classes. Interview 
with supervisor resulted in teacher being transferred to 
more suitable and therefore more successful classes. . . . 
Cases I and J: Teachers laid off on Priority Ruling were 
rehired. Case K (General): New ruling that rehired 
teachers could receive no more than one-thirtieth of pay 
period each day of remainder of period was defeated. The 
Grievance Committee also prevented the cutting down of 
literary classes to a shortened period. 


Resolutions of Teacher Delegates Adopted at Penn- 
sylvania State Federation of Labor Convention. Dele- 
gates of Local 192, Philadelphia, and Local 344, Delaware 
County, presented the following resolutions at the Penn- 
sylvania State Federation of Labor Convention: 1. That 
the Convention petition the Congress of the United States 
to expand the Adult Education Program. 2. That the Con- 
vention call for an investigation by the state authorities 
of the breaking up of a peaceful picket line and wanton 
abuse of powers by the Chester police and firemen at the 
Sun Shipbuilding and Drydock Company, Chester, Pa., 
on December 7, 1936. 3. That the Convention request 
the state administration to investigate all fascist activities 
in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 4. That the State 
Federation of Labor urge the State Council of Education 
to appoint a committee, containing representatives of labor, 
to study, and recommend inclusion of, apprepriate courses 
of study in the schools to the end that labor’s history may 
be fairly presented. All these resolutions were adopted. . . . 
The Pennsylvania Federation of Teachers, state organiza- 
tion of the A.F.T. locals, has succeeded in securing the 
passage of what the Federation considers the best -tenure 
law in the country. The Federation is also working ac- 
tively for the Sabbatical Leave bill for public school teachers 
and for a bill to provide minimum salary of $1200 a year 
for rural teachers in rural districts. It is no less actively 
opposing bills which would give the State Council of Edu- 
cation power to prescribe qualifications for teacher certifica- 
tion. The Federation believes that this is a “back door 
threat against tenure” and that regulation of certification 
must be kept in the hands of the legislature which has 
shown itself sensitive to public and professional opinion. 
. . . Swarthmore College teachers and professors in Local 
344 are active in the Central Labor Union and, working 
with the Students Union, have helped to organize unor- 
ganized workers in Delaware County. 





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SFE F SST FE Seer 


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32 


Massachusetts State Branch Holds First Annual Con- 
ference. The Massachusetts State Branch of the A.F.T. 
is holding its first annual conference in Boston, May 22. 
Speakers are to be Eduard Lindeman of the New School 
for Social Research, Dean Henry W. Holmes of the Har- 
vard Graduate School of Education, Dr. J. Raymond 
Walsh, Vice-President of the A.F.T., and Robert J. Watt, 
Secretary-Treasurer of the Massachusetts State Federation 
of Labor. The conference will commemorate the centenary 
of the work of Horace Mann under the title: “Massachu- 
setts Schools Today—One Hundred Years After Horace 
Mann.” There will be afternoon round table discussion 
groups on educational and teacher issues such as child wel- 
fare in the schools, economic standards of teachers, teach- 
ers’ working conditions, certification and professional rat- 
ing, taxes and the schools, etc. The Conference will be the 
first general meeting of all union teachers in the state. 
The Conference form was adopted instead of a Convention 
form in order to reach many non-union teachers through 
the general discussion of teacher problems. It is hoped 
that the Conference will forward organization. 


Texas Locals Seek Tenure Law. Locals 336, 462, and 
485 of Texas have cooperated with the Texas Classroom 
Teachers Association in attempting to secure the passage 
of a well-studied tenure law. However, the Legislative 
Committee of the Texas State Teachers Association has stub- 
bornly opposed the tenure bill. This Legislative Committee 
is composed principally of past presidents of the T.S.T.A., 
including one business manager of a metropolitan school 
system. Thanks to the efforts of this Legislative Committee 
and of a generally reactionary public school administration, 
the tenure bill remains in sub-committee as the biennial 
session of the Texas legislature enters its final month. The 
result of the opposition of the Legislative Committee of the 
Texas State Teachers Association has been a wide-spread 
rebellion against the leadership, a rebellion which promises 
to bring about either a greater degree of democracy or else 
a rift in the Association. In attempts to block the passage 
of the tenure bill, the Jegislative representatives brought 
pressure to bear on school boards to have teachers restrained 
from working with the Committee on Tenure of the Class- 
room Teachers Association. As a consequence, some 
teachers were prevented from attending legislative hearings 
and others were threatened with dismissal for “agitating”. 
Organized labor is supporting Texas teachers in their strug- 
gle for tenure, the A.F.T. locals having secured the en- 
dorsement of the tenure bills by the Texas State Federa- 
tion of Labor at its 1936 Convention. 


Chattanooga Central Labor Union Protests Attack on 
Highlander Folk School. Mysterious in its origin, of 
unknown authority, coming to light only in the form of 
second-hand statements by an American Legion leader who 
claims to have seen the report, an alleged investigation of 
the Highlander Folk School at Monteagle, Tennessee, was 


condemned by the Chattanooga Central Labor Union & 


The cAwmnican Teacnih 





hor 


an indirect attack on local labor. The resolution of the jpn the 


Chattanooga Central Labor Union states: “Whereas, a 
mysterious investigation of the Highlander Folk School 
is reported to have been made by a member of the state 
highway patrol; and . . . Whereas, the statement that the 
delegates of the Highlander Folk School local of the 
A.F.T. were seated [in the Chattanooga C.L.U.] by “hook 
or crook” is maliciously false; and . . . Whereas organized 
labor has no need of volunteer snoopers from outside its 
own ranks to investigate the integrity of its own members; 
and . . . Whereas, many of our members have visited the 
school cn numerous occasions . . . and know the work of 
the school for the past three years; and . . . Whereas, these 
members, in whom we have the highest confidence, report 
that the school is conducted according to the highest 
standards of scholarship and ethics. . . . Therefore be it 
Resolved, that the Chattanooga Central Labor Union ... 
goes on record as condemning such attacks on the High- 
lander Folk School as indirect attacks on the Chattanooga 
labor movement and the organized labor movement in 
general; and be it further Resolved, that we express con- 
fidence in the conduct of the school and of its work; and 
be it further Resolved, that we suggest a more fruitful field 
of investigation of drunkenness and profanity, to-wit, any 
convention of the American Legion. . . .” 


Trouble in Wisconsin Rapids. The outcome of the 
Wisconsin Rapids, Wisconsin, city elections on April 6 
was unfavorable to the teachers of Local 421 because of 
the defeat of the union candidates. At its first meeting 
after the elections, the Wisconsin Rapids Board of Educa- 
tion ordered the immediate dismissal of Joseph Berger, 
president of the local. This action of the Board was met by 
considerable protest, especially from labor and labor sym- 
pathizers and by a walk-out of 200 students. The next 
move of the Board of Education was a decision to with- 
hold contracts until the end of the year, an action which 
makes the dismissal of other union teachers appear im- 
minent. Such further dismissals will not be accomplished, 
however, without some difficulty. The Central Labor Union 
of Wisconsin Rapids is exerting all its energies to secure 
the reinstatement of Mr. Berger. The unions are swinging 
into action with a state investigation and a mass meeting. 


Conference to Safeguard Education in Paterson. Local 
482 of Paterson, New Jersey, reports a very successful 
Conference to Safeguard Education, held jointly with 4ele- 
gates from local labor organizations. A general result of 
this conference was the beginning or renewal of ties be- 
tween classroom teachers and other workers. A concrete 
result of the conference was a later mass meeting for all 
teachers. At this mass meeting the union policy of opposing 
the signing of all waivers was adopted while other groups 
were still sere and defining qualities and kinds of 
waivers. .. . At a recent meeting of the Paterson Central 


mittee. 

































Cent 
Teache 
nto th 





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re) 


TELE 26 


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dep 





s 


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a 





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lion & 


‘une, 1937 


bor Union, teacher delegates were appointed to serve 


of the [pn the Legislative Committee and the Resolutions Com- 


reas, a 
School 
e state 
iat the 
of the 
“hook 
‘anized 
ide its fie 


nbers; 


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ighest 

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ie 6 
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nt in 
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Central Labor Council Urges Sick Pay for Oakland 
Teachers. In a long resolution, which enters thoroughly 
nto the prevailing situation, the Alameda County, Cali- 
jornia, Central Labor Council called upon the school board 
of Oakland to grant ten days sick leave with pay to all 
hers in Oakland public schools who may be incapaci- 
ated by sickness, disease or accident. . . . Among candi- 
dates for School Board in the April elections in Oakland 

s a member of Carpenters Union, Local 36, Mr. Vane 


33 


1. Smaller classes 


Dart. Mr. Dart’s program favored: 
with more individual attention for school children; 2. Im- 
proved facilities for mentally and physically handicaped 
children; 3. Ten days sick leave with pay for teachers; 
4. Extension of organized recreational centers throughout 
the city; 5. Free medical, dental, and optical care for all 
school children. Mr. Dart’s wife, Anna Dart, is a former 
member of Local 349, Oakland and Berkeley, and is now 
active in the local at San José. Mr. Dart received 13,000 
votes. A member of Local 349, Mrs. Leila Thompson, 
running for the City Council of Berkeley on May 4, has 
received the endorsement of the local as well as financial 
and other active support. 


Among the New Books 


A Tough-Minded Approach to Education 


EDUCATION AND THE CLASS STRUGGLE. Zatmen Siesin- 
cer. New York: Covici-Friede, 1937. 312 pages. $3.00. 

The publication of this book with the sanction of Teachers 
College, Columbia University, is in itself something of an argu- 
ment against one of its principal contentions—that liberal educa- 
tion is too completely dominated by our capitalist economy to 
permit either thoroughgoing attacks upon that economy or effec- 
tive plans for its correction. 


Certainly Dr. Slesinger’s book is such an attack and plan, and 
it is weighted with so much factual evidence as to constitute it a 
weapon which those who defend the present order may well fear. 
Yet the book carries a cordial introduction by Dr. William H. 
Kilpatrick, a great liberal educator and one of Dr. Slesinger’s 
targets; and it grew out of a doctoral dissertation which, however 
much the faculty may have disagreed with its thesis, was at least 
officially approved. 


This point is made because, while Education and the Class 
Struggle is a book deserving of a wide audience, it is in one sense 
defeatistic. That is, it separates liberal education so dualistically 
from Marxian education that one finishes the book with a sense 
of almost complete skepticism as to the efficacy within the estab- 
lished order. This dualism is not, as a matter of fact, always fair 
to the actual situation. Witness, for example, the common oppo- 
sition of liberals and collectivists to fascism. Witness also the 

tt that, as this book itself testifies, even under American capital 
ism we may discover some degree of genuine freedom of thought 
our educational institutions—a degree which, though small, may 
be made perhaps larger not by utter hopelessness toward the pres- 
order but by determination to strengthen whatever democratic 
es still exist. 


Dr. Slesinger has on the whole so much of importance to say, 
d he sar~. it in so readable a fashion, that one hastens to get 
such necessary criticisms in order to stress his positive contri- 
lion. The pivot of his argument, that America is essentially 
bugh often subtly class-structured, is one which has been almost 
otally neglected by social scientists. The consequence for educa- 
ion of demonstrating this class structure, as Dr. Slesinger does in 
nsiderable degree, is obviously enormous: it requires the teacher 
0 face the necessity of integrating his logical techniques in the 
room with realistic political and economic techniques in the 
munity. It requires, in other words, that education become 
vital part of the growing struggle of the wage-earners in America 
genuine rather than illusory democracy. And this the author 






























insists means the unionization and radicalization of labor, agri- 
culture, middle class groups, intellectuals and youth—a program 
of militant action adjusted to American conditions. 


As to the book’s subsidiary theme, that the liberal educator’s 
program for social reconstruction is inadequate, the arguments 
when qualified as suggested above are again frequently compelling. 
Dr. Slesinger takes issue, for example, with the tender-mindedness 
of those who, by their abject faith in persuasive methods alone, 
fail to estimate accurately the power of the forces of reaction, and 
thus inadequately prepare for defense against those forces. If 
the author had done no more than call attention to this one weak- 
ness in our predominant philosophy of education, his book would 
warrant attention by every teacher who is not so liberal as to be 
illiberal toward a tough-minded approach to education. 


THEODORE BRAMELD. 


Democracy’s Fight for Life 


SPAIN IN ARMS. Anna Loutse Stronc. Henry Holt. 85 pages. 

Cloth $1.00, paper $0.25. 

This small book by Anna Louise Strong gives us not only what 
the Spaniards call “cuadros de costumbres” (life and customs of 
the people) after the outbreak of the military revolt, erroneously 
called “the civil war,” but also the psyc! ological reactions of rep- 
resentative individuals of the different classes during this transi- 
tion in the political and economic life of the country. 


Without going very deeply into the causes, significance, or extent 
of the changes now going on in Spain, the author succeeds in 
presenting very humanly the manner in which the people are 
meeting the exigencies of the war. In her tour of inspection, she 
moves from the newly-formed collective farms to cultural groups, 
from government officials to military men, and after discussing the 
atrocities committed by the rebels, presents a very vivid picture 
of life in the trenches, the morale and the humor of the militia- 
men, and the heroism of the Lister and International Brigades. 
A very small chapter is devoted to the two great labor federations. 


The book ends with a chapter, “Whither Spain and whither 
Europe?” in which she discusses the international aspects and the 
symbolic meaning of the war in Spain for the rest of Europe. 
Miss Strong comes to the conclusion, which is generally accepted 
by Loyalist sympathizers, that a victory or a defeat for democracy 
in Spain will be a victory or defeat for democracy all over Europe. 


The main interest of the book lies in her interview with the 
leaders of different factions, and it is through the statements made 


<r 


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| 


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| 


Re EE hh a AA 


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34 


to her by these leaders that we get a glimpse of what we may 
expect in Spain after the forces of Franco are defeated. At the 
same time, we become aware of the fact that the Loyalist ranks, 
while a heterogeneous group, are in full accord on the main issues, 
that the foundations for a new order are already laid, and that 
victory for the Loyalists will not destroy the proverbial individual- 
ism of the people of Spain, but will rather give it a firm basis and a 
genuine meaning. That victory, of so much importance to friends 
of democracy everywhere, may indeed make of Spain the bulwark 
of human liberation and “the tomb of fascism”. 


Pepro VILta FERNANDEZ. 


Workers’ Education Pamphlets 
I AM A WOMAN WORKER. 1936. 50 cents. 


TEACHING ECONOMICS IN WORKERS’ CLASSES. 
35 cents. 


THE COMPANY UNION IN PLAN AND PRACTICE. Lincoln 
Fairley. 1936. 35 cents. 


THE WORKER AND GOVERNMENT. Lois MacDonald and 
Emanuel Stein. 1935. 35 cents. 


(Affiliated Schools for Workers, 302 East 35 Street, New York.) 


1936. 


| Bpeed teachers who have no expectation of engaging in workers’ 
education themselves may learn much from reading some of 
these pamphlets of the Affiliated Schools. The Affiliated Schools 
have a long and honorable record of attempts to bring to workers 
some of the benefits of progressive education method, to help 
workers to express themselves, and to relate them constructively 
to their own environment and problems. In a way, the Schools 
represent much the same sort of outreach from the more to the 
less privileged that we found in the best of the social settlement 
movement in the last century. Such an outreach has its necessary 
limitations, in that the “social distance” between teacher and taught 
is always there, and the school, like the settlement, has to work 
out its program in the midst of an atmosphere of potential criticism 
on the part of those who furnish its support. However, the Schools 
have one outstanding advantage, and that is that they are dealing 
with workers as workers—not as mothers, fathers, housewives, chil- 
dren—hence their program has an educational sharpness that would 
be impossible in either a settlement movement or adult education 
in general. The students are reaching out to express and understand 
their working problems. It is this that makes the publications of 
the Affiliated Schools of especial value for the teacher unfamiliar 
with labor questions. 


I Am a Woman Worker is a group of sketches by the students 
themselves, telling incidents of their own working lives. They are 
grouped about the topics Getting a Job, Life in the Factory, Open 
Shops and Company Unions, Trade Unions and Organized Shops, 
On Strike. They give a wealth of concrete detail and convey the 
feeling of immediate experience. 


Teaching Economics in Workers’ Classes gives advice on teaching 
techniques by a number of Affiliated School instructors. Read it 
and become modest over the degree of liveliness of your own 
teaching in the social sciences! 

The Company Union In Plan and Practice is a useful, objective 
analysis by Professor Fairley of the Massachusetts Institute of 
Technology. However, for the teacher who wishes to familiarize 
himself with this field, I should recommend also the recent govern- 
ment study of company unions summarized in the Monthly Labor 
Review for October and December, 1935 and the lively book and 
recent pamphlet, Company Unions, both by Robert Dunn of the 
Labor Research Association. 


The Worker and Government, by Lois MacDonald and Emanuel 
Stein of New York University, is a splendid piece of serious work 
in small compass. It shows the myriad ways in which govern- 
ment not only protects but restricts labor. The role of the courts 
in labor disputes is portrayed especially well. Teachers who think 
they already know their political science will be surprised to find 


The cAmerican T. 


how much that is new emerges from this type of functional 
ment, from analyzing each problem as it affects the worker. 
Dorotuy W. Dovctas, 


A Stack of Good Fiction 


A BOOK OF CONTEMPORARY SHORT STORIES. Edited } 
Dorotuy Brewster. Macmillan. 754 pages. 


BREAD AND WINE. Icnazito Stone. Harper. 319 pages. $25 
THE OLIVE FIELD. Raps Bares. Dutton. 475 pages. $25 
RAINBOW FISH. Ratpu Bates. Dutton. 242 pages. $2.00. 

THE INVADERS. Srvart Davm Encstranp. Knopf. $2.50. 


HE LITERATURE OF THE Peopre—“popular front”, anti-fasci 

democratic literature—thrusts itself upon our attention wit 
increasing authority. More and more of it is being written, 
its literary expression reveals more and more the power and deligh 
of creative art. In Professor Brewster’s excellent introduction 
her collection of short stories, she states that she found her materi: 
dictating a division into the proletarian and the bourgeois; 
when she examined the difference, she discovered that it was no 
merely in social point of view, but in manner of writing as 
The proletarian stories are short and strictly contemporary, bu 
the bourgeois tend to be long romantic narratives of life as i 
once was. Anyone desirous of studying the relation between 
form and the theme of the short story will find her volum 
indispensable. 


Among the best stories in Miss Brewster’s book is one by Ig 
Silone, who is at the present time the foremost Italian anti-fascisj 
novelist. Though a refugee from Italy, he gives in his new nove 
Bread and Wime, so vivid a picture of the conditions of life unde 
Mussolini that the reader suspects he has made a secret trip bad 
like his hero. In this novel he takes his account beyond the period 
of Fontamara into the contemporary scene. Fontamara was 
novel which gave an unforgettable account of remote and ignoran 
peasants’ reaction to a dictatorship they became aware of on 
when it violated ancient local rights with the connivance of 
old cppressors of the village and the new racketeering landlord: 
It was written with a caustic humor like a thin sour Italian win 
In Bread and Wine the wine has turned bitter, but it has gained 
in strength, and the book is doubtless the gauge of a growin 
popular opposition to fascism that now actually exists in Italy 
The hero is an old revolutionary who returns to resume revolt- 
tionary work in the garb of a priest. But whether he prods thos 
sunk in a stupor of resignation or guides the discontented, to avoid 
discovery “Don Pauolo” is forced into the most wary and thoroug! 
understanding of every person he meets. This necessity has im 
posed upon the book a different method from that of Fontamart 
In the earlier novel, though the peasants were treated sympe 
thetically, they were lumped together as a simple herd, animate 
by common mores and superstitions. But the very despotism of t 
dictatorship by increasing the economic struggle for survival has 
created dissentions among them and individualized them. “Do 
Pauolo” becomes, like a novelist, an expert in the distinction ¢ 
motive; for with him it is.a matter of life or death. But 
doubtful must be treated since the work must spread; and in th 
end, discovered by the secret police, the hero is killed. 


Meanwhile there is another character, a venerable priest, lom 
since retired, and also killed before the end of the book. Dot 
Benedetto was once the teacher of “Don Pauolo”, and his wisdom 
remains a complement to the younger man’s activity, which, thoug 
relentless, tends to become more desperate and cynical. In a societ 
that is reducing men more and more to the level of the slave, De 
Benedetto remains aloof as an example of the natural dignity © 
man. He, too, retains like a stoic his belief in man’s integrit 
and yet he is too old to act, and goes to his death for influenci 
the action of others. Silone would agree with Malraux that 
circumstances such as these, only through the willingness to sac 
fice himself for the common good does man find himself, does 5 
gain an awareness of his essential value as a human being. B 
whereas Malraux believes this consciousness comes only throug 
the union of principle and action, Silone tends to separate th 





editor 


10 ¢ 
The } 
ihe ai 


irike 


Tang i ‘ay-June, 1937 
onal ta », embodying them in two different but complementary charac- 
eal ers, though both come to the same martyrdom in the end. 


But in countries where fascism has not yet fixed itself in power 
Silone’s desperate paradox is less evident. Philosophically Bates’ 
in The Olive Field was simpler. Men have still the time to 
nite against an oppression which, however distressing, has not yet 
tightened into a fascist ascendency. And so Bates can present 
es. $2.sgmcharacters in whom humor and virility are still active and for 
es. $2.5 Pose heroism the circumstances offer a readier cooperation. His 
oe Spanish peasants of the period before the present civil war, though 
2.00. disillusioned about their landlords and the clerics who abet their 
$2.50. indolence, their luxury and their indifference to the welfare of the 
poor, have been left the chance to drop their disillusions about 
themselves, to throw off their acceptance of their masters’ deroga- 
, ion of them, and assert their latent dignity as human beings. 
tten, aniFew novels have been written in which the conflict between our 
nd Gelighiiproader social interests and our personal relationships is more 
uction t#iMnaturally and vividly presented. 
r materi 
eois; ani Since The Olive Field Bates has written another novel, with the 
. Was noficurious title of Rainbow Fish, which is bound to win him a new 
Z aS wel@Maudience, and establish him as a novelist who is not limited to 
rary, buiisuch direful themes as civil war. This later novel is of the 
life as itfdecadence, and like most novels of this sort it employs a technique 
‘ween thifof less direct statement, the stream of consciousness technique so 
r volum@appropriate to those who drift with the circumstances of a dis- 
solving civilization until they find themselves in the forefront of 
tragedy. For a variety of reasons, and Bates depicts them all, a 
y Ignazimgroup of men find themselves in one of the final refuges for those 
nti-fascisf/whom modern society rejects; they have become divers for sponges 
>w novelfmofi the islands of Greece. But even here, as Conrad wrote earlier 
ife undemmin the Nigger of the Narcissus, human dignity asserts itself. It is 
trip backmmgnot for all, and it is not against the depravity of man; it is against 
he periodmthe forces of nature in a storm at sea, and the men leave no record 


Edited } 


inti-fa a 
tion wil 


was thamof their heroism; they are only, some of them tossed up as corpses, 
ignorant//for the indifferent observation of those who live through guile and 
of onlygm treachery. 
e of the 


landlords This novel of Bates is like a corrosive acid thrown against our 
ian winegeood intentions, and it is pleasant to turn away to a more cheerful 
1s gained Proletarian theme. The Invaders has several marks of distinction. 
growing It is written by an American, and therefore proves that the good 
in Italy 20velists of peasant life are not all Europeans. It contains a strike, 
. revolu mand not only is the strike won, but its happening is skillfully 
»ds thos Woven into the normal conflict between the small farmer and the 
to avoidgmtorces of nature. And finally, the farmers in the book are not 
thorougt dejected paper characters but robust fellows capable of passion in 
has im@™ ove and in the struggle for a better life. There is no CIO in 
ntamann le Invaders, but after reading the novel, one can no longer doubt 
sympe- the probability of its existence. The novel sweeps like a blast of 
animatelfmg tbe open air through the steam heated corridors of our American 
m of th le 
rival has 
“Deo 
ction 0 
But th Book Notes and Recommendations 


d in th ITH THE NEWS COLUMNS full of the victories won by labor 
with its newest weapon, the sit-down strike, and with the 

editorial columns full of attacks upon it for its “illegality”, a 

est, long Mitime pamphlet in the League for Industrial Democracy series 
k. ; Dot@icannot fail to be of interest to thoughtful readers. It is Sit-Down 
wisdom@i(10 cents) by Joel Seidman, with a prefatory article by Robert 
, thougiMorss Lovett, A G. M. Stockholder Visits Flint, reprinted from 
2 societThe Nation. Joel Seidman gives a useful introduction to the entire 
ve, Do of the sit-down strike, its history in America and abroad, 
gnity OBMBhe attitude of the courts and police toward it, its relation to the 
ategrit icular problems of labor in 1937, the methods by which the 
juencingtrikers maintain discipline and morale. A useful list ef suggested 
that ‘adings is included. Both Seidman and Lovett express the con- 
fo sac dusions which most friends of labor share, “that mere ownership 
does Toes not carry with it all possible rights with reference to a fac- 
g- B - Those who work in it, who make it produce with their labor 
throug! i who depend upon it for their livelihood, should likewise have 
‘ate COM voice in its control. Those who invest their lives in an industry 


Epwin Berry Burcum. 
































































35 


have at least as much at stake as those who merely invest their 
money. . . . It is interesting to note that, in the sit-down strike, 
workers are re-establishing the control over the tools of production 
that they lost with the Industrial Revolution.” This pamphlet 
cuts through the purely legalistic arguments of injunction-granting, 
stock-holding judges. 

* 


Many of our readers will be interested in the publications of the 
Educational Department of the International Ladies’ Garment 
Workers Union, of 3 West 16 Street, New York City. Among 
pamphlets for union members everywhere are The Handbook of 
Trade Union Methods (25 cents), a readable and informative treat- 
ment of some of the major problems of trade union organization; 
The ABC of Parliamentary Law (25 cents), of special importance 
for the conduct of union meetings; A Manual for Trade Union 
Speakers (25 cents). In addition there is a series of one-act plays 
and mass recitations of a sort that help to enliven union meetings 
and clarify some of the issues facing workers. 

Boris GAMZUE. 


Correspondence 


Letters dealing with issues of interest to union teachers 
will be printed in these columns. Inclusion of a letter does 
not necessarily mean that the Editors endorse its sentiments. 














A High Order of Comradeship 


Dear Friends: 

It seems timely to me to proclaim to those who might like to 
know, that the American Federation of Teachers through its unions 
offers a unique and essential opportunity to all who teach. We 
in the United States have recently lived through difficult years— 
insecure economically for teachers, insecure politically, in some 
respects. Furthermore, we cannot now feel any too ready to 
entrust our interests to the indirect and indifferent management 
of any one of the political parties. As educators we are in duty 
compelled to assume responsibility, not alone for leadership of the 
young, but also for contribution of our factual knowledge and civic 
perspective to our community as a whole. Because of our inse- 
curity and also our responsibility, we should have immediate and 
functioning representation in public affairs. It seems to me, there- 
fore, that a teachers union of real significance—politically con- 
scious, educationally responsible, protective of teachers as a class— 
is a vital and growing need in every community. 


This year I joined the Boston Teachers Union in a sort of des- 
peration. Formerly I had not found any group representative of, 
nor working coherently for, my social ideals. The Union is answer- 
ing that need. At last I find an opportunity to express my citizen- 
ship, not by mere voting, but by a direct chance to aid in formu- 
lating policies for immediate action. 


Democracy seems to me very precious. Thus I fear observable 
Fascist tendencies in the United States. In the Teachers Union 
the ideals and practices of democracy are energetically pursued. 
All public issues of importance that affect the welfare of children, 
or that touch on education, are ever the concern of the Union, 
which actively influences legislation on such matters. It is of great 
satisfaction and inspiration to be, through my Union representa- 
tives, in close touch with legislative action about which I am most 
concerned. 





ODYDIHD 


Through joining this organization, I must admit, I have an en- 
hanced feeling of security as to my personal economic status. My 
work as a teacher seems more a part of the social fabric, in that 
I am to be less at the mercy of social forces, more a cooperative 
factor therein, and one no longer isolated as an individual or as a 
member of a class. 


Finally, there is to me a deep satisfaction in working with others 
who speak the same “language,” who, without “talking shop” are 





1H 

it 
hid 
Hi 
j 
Di, 4 
My 
i 


36 


obviously marching in the same ranks and working for common 
aims. It is comradeship of a high order—membership in this edu- 
cation-centered, civic-minded organization, which, I am convinced, 
offers the promise of a new dignity and social value to the teach- 
ing profession. 
Sincerely yours, 
ApELE PARKER. 


A Notable Victory 


(Note: This letter was sent to the national office of the A.F.T., but 
because of the great interest it holds, it is being printed in these 
columns.) 

Dear Sir: 

Under date of February 16, 1937, a charter was granted to the 
Adams Township Federation of Teachers. At the time the charter 
was granted we had an enrollment of 31 members. When the charter 
came through it was found to have only the names of 13 members. 
The question immediately arose of why the entire enrollment was 
not included. A resolution was adopted to the effect that I, as 
president, should write to the central office asking them to issue us 
a charter on which all names were inscribed. 


An understanding of local conditions may help explain the matter. 
Situated in the heart of Pennsylvania with no other local of the 
A.F.T. located near us until recently, the teachers took a step that 
very seriously jeopardized their position as teachers. The fact is 
that for a period they had suffered a regime of intimidation and 
discrimination that has few comparisons. The teachers stood for 
it for eight years. When the chance came to affiliate with the 
A.F.T. they jumped at the chance. There were threats of dismissal 
of the entire group. In fact a blanket dismissal was issued to all 
teachers. A committee of the A.F.T. backed by committees from 
each mine local of the district, comprising about 80 per cent of 
the voting population, presented themselves to the meeting of the 
school teachers and in consequence won a hundred per cent victory. 


Considering the chances taken; considering the power of the board 
politically in this district, and finally considering the extreme sub- 
jugation of the teachers in the past, the victory is a matter of 
great pride to each individual teacher. Consequently each teacher 
enrolled demands that her name appear on the charter to be 
framed and hung where all the world can see it. 


Will you please give this matter your attention? I am enclosing 
a list of the names that should appear on the charter. Thanking 
you for any consideration shown, I am, 

Yours truly, 
Ray C. McNo try, 
South Fork, Pa. 


From a Congressman-Member 

Having noticed your article on “Teachers and the Crisis in 
W.P.A.” in the January-February issue of THe American TEACHER, 
I am prompted to send you the enclosed copy of a statement on 
the unemployment question which a number of members of Congress 
recently issued. The draft of the statement is my own work, and 
since I am a member of the A.F.T., I thought you might possibly 
be interested. 

Sincerely yours, 


Jerry Vooruis. 


WE CAN BEAT UNEMPLOYMENT 
Remarks of 
HON. JERRY VOORHIS OF CALIFORNIA 
In the House of Representatives 
Tuesday, March 9, 1937 


Government Works Necessary and and Unavoidable—W ork 
for All Should Be Productive, Conserve National 


Mr. Voorhkis: Mr. Speaker, I have the honor to submit the fol- 
lowing statement on behalf of forty-one members of Congress. 


Continuance of a government work program as one measure of 


The cAmmnican T 4 


attacking unemployment is necessary and unavoidable. That 
gram must, therefore, be put on a stable, economically sound bay 
before this Congress adjourns. 


America today needs to have many kinds of work done whid 
private industry cannot do. Examples are slum clearance ani 
housing for the lowest-income group, soil and water conservation, 
reforestation, flood and drought control, prevention of stream pollu. 
tion, power development, safety work, and many others. 


Useful and Necessary Jobs for All 


Due to conditions never before faced in human history, million 
of our people are still unemployed. Unless fundamental corrective 
measures are taken, there will be millions unemployed for yean 
to come. Either they will be thrown back on private or loc 
charity, which cannot possibly care for them, or they will be given 
a government dole, or they will be put to work by the government 
at useful and necessary jobs. Only the last of these alternative 
offers hope for our nation’s future. 


It must be a principle of American government that every citizen: 
who is able and willing to work shall have work. If privat 
industry cannot give jobs to all our people, then jobs for our u- 
employed can and must be provided on government works projects 


Principles of Government Work 


The program of government work should be set up according ts 
the following principles: 


First. Work for all who are able and willing to work ani 
cannot find private employment. 


Second. The work to be as useful, productive, and efficient » 
any work anywhere. 


Third. People to be hired for government works not becaus¢ 
they are “on relief” but because they need a job and are able tc 
do it efficiently. 


Fourth. Facts about the amount of unemployment and 
opportunities for employment in private industry to be collected; 
and the government-work program to be enlarged when private 
industry lays people off and to be cut down when private industry 
hires them back. 


Fifth. No waste; no made-work; but every project to be planned 
so it will create a dollar’s worth of wealth and permanent social 
value for every dollar spent. This requires that there must be 
enough money appropriated to allow a reasonable expenditure fo 
materials and equipment, as well as for wages. 


Sixth. Government work to be planned so it will enable th 
people it employs to develop and maintain the kinds of skill and 
ability which are most likely to be in demand in private industry. 


Seventh. Government projects to be definitely planned to stim 
ulate all industry and open new opportunities for Americans. Cor 
serving soils and developing new fertile lands will do this. Low 
cost housing will do it. Cheaper power will do it. So will othe 
projects. 


Eighth. The recreation, theatre, educational and fine 
projects to be continued and improved with a view to developin 
the hidden creative talents of all groups of citizens in America an¢ 
giving the benefits of these talents to all society. 


Ninth. The program must be a Federal program, since unem 
ployment is a national problem and most of our needed pub 
works are of interstate character. It will have to be ge 
financed with Federal funds, with local sponsors’ conteibutios 
based on their ability to make such contributions. 


Tenth. By and large, the program should not be financed b 








i 





: ay-June, 1937 

































— bess ae ng but by equitable taxation on the basis of ability to pay 
d benefits received. 

ne whid Purchasing Power; Morale; National Resources; Prosperity 

== & Such a program will accomplish four great and desirable results: 

servation, 

im pollu. 


First. It will give America a better distribution of purchasing 
power. 


Second. It will rebuild and maintain the morale of our people. 


Third. It will save our natural resources for our own generation 
nd for generations to come. 


Fourth. It will keep our business prosperous by maintaining its 


An English Author Asks Help for Spain 


Dear Sir: 


Some time ago I was a visitor in your country. I addressed a 
number of the people at meetings to aid the Spanish people and 
ir government. Before returning to Spain I wish to address 
few words to your readers through your “reader’s correspondence 


” 


ording to 
It seems impossible that I do not know you—the civil war in 
‘ork andiispain and what I have been through has torn away from my mind 
l its old reticence, all the barriers it had set between me and 
her men and women. I was like any other democrat, I suppose 
I had my beliefs, at times I had doubts, and sometimes I did 
ot care. All that has gone. 


icient a 


I have seen desperate, half-armed, inexperienced democrats blunder 
forward through a hale of machine gun fire under a blazing sun— 
into certain death, to defend their liberty. I have seen a man fall 
by my side and clutch my feet in his last moments, saying, “Do 
mot leave me.” And the vacillation has gone out of me. I have 
mn a wounded mother drag her three-year-old son from beneath 
la tangle of iron and fallen masonry— you must listen to me, you 
must force yourself to see this. I have seen a mother frantic with 
grief and her reason gone, beat the body of her little son with 
fumbling nerveless hands, in some blind, forgotten instinct striving 
to bring back life to him. I also have had to crouch into cover 
as Italian fascist planes roared overhead. 


. able to 


and the 
ollected; 

private 
industry 


planned 
nt social 
must be 


I say the vacillation has gone out of me—everything I can do I 
ture for 


must do, this immense drama of liberty has taken possession of 
me. I know I have the right to ask you to help. Your own 
imagination, placing you among the horrors of the Fascist invasion 
able , of Spain, will break down the wall between us. 
ch I am returning to fight in the ranks of the International brigade. 
tell you we shall fight better for your help. One fights better when 


to stim a is not lonely in the world as our enemies would have us be. 


s. Cor 
3. Low 
ill other 


Sincerely, 
RaLpH Bates. 


(Note: Funds for the Spanish government’s cause may be sent to 


- t. Kuensli at the national office of the AF.T.) 


velopi 
rica 















CORRECTION 
Walter R. Douthett, whose letter Superintendent to the 
Defense has appeared in these columns, is Superintendent 
of Schools in Darby, Pa. 














Contributors’ Column 








THEODORE BRAMELD is head of the Philosophy Department at 
Adelphi College. 

EDWIN BERRY BURGUM is chairman of the college section of 
Local 5, and associate professor of English at New York University. 


DOROTHY DOUGLAS is a member of the Editorial Board of the 
American Teacher. She is in the economics department at Smith 
College. Mrs. Douglas is co-author of the book Child Workers in 
America which has just been issued by Robert M. McBride and Co. 


PEDRO VILLA FERNANDEZ is a member of the Spanish De- 
partment at Washington Square College. He has taught at the 
Casa de Campo in Madrid, and in the summer school of the Univer- 
sity of Oviedo. He is working actively with the North American 
Committee to aid Spanish Democracy. 


FRANCIS J. GORMAN is president of the International Textile 
Workers Union and a leading spokesman for a Farmer-Labor Party. 


HAROLD CURTIS HAND is a member of the Executive and 
Defense Committees of Local 442. He is Associate Professor of 
Education at Stanford University and a contributor to educational 
journals. 


IRVIN R. KUENZLI is secretary-treasurer of the American Feder- 
ation of Teachers. 


LUCY SPRAGUE MITCHELL is chairman of the working council 
of The Cooperative School for Student Teachers. 


PAUL W. PREISLER is president of Local 420, St. Louis, Missouri. 
He teaches at the University of Washington in that city. 


NORMAN STUDER teaches at The Little Red School House in 
New York City. 


SARA T. WALSH is legislative representative of the Pennsylvania 
State Federation of Teachers. 





A. F. T. Badges 
AS 
Pin or Button 





Pins (with safety catch) or buttons (for coat 
lapel) are available in blue-enameled gold; the 


size is the same as that shown in the facsimile. 


Prices: $0.50 each, $5.00 per dozen, $38.00 per 
hundred. 


Order from 


AMERICAN FEDERATION OF 
TEACHERS 


506 South Wabash Avenue 



















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WHAT EVERY 


WELL INFORMED TEACHER 
SHOULD KNOW 
The How and Why of the A. F. T. 


The following publications answer in convenient form 
questions concerning the aims and organization of the 
American Federation of Teachers. They are well suited 
for distribution to prospective members. Samples will 
be sent on request. 


1. Information about the A. F. T. 
Contains facts and figures 25c¢ per hundred 


2. Six Major Pu 
How the A. F. T. can aid the 
nation’s educational program 25c per hundred 


3. The A. F. T. Program of Action 
Adopted at the 1931 Convention 
25c per hundred 


4. Can Teachers Unions Be Called Out on Strike? 
Questions and answers on this 


important topic 25c per hundred 
5. Objections Answered 
ill clinch that argument 25c per hundred 


6. Why I Am A Member of the Teachers Union 
Prominent educators state their 


views 35c per hundred 
7. Six Reasons for Joining the A. F. T. 
(Jerome Davis) 
These are also printed in ‘Questions 
and Answers” ) 25c per hundred 
8. Questions and 
A convenient and inclusive resumé 
35c per hundred 


9. The Historical Setting of the A. F. T. 
, (Ruth Gillette Hardy) 
A pertinent perspective 35c per hundred 


10. Why I Am Glad to Be A Member 
of the A. F. T. 
“; message from Professor Goodwin 
Watson of Columbia University 35c per hundred 


11. The Constitution of the A. F. T. 
(Correct as of February 1, 1936) 
Will settle that knotty question Oc per hundred 


12. 4 fugue & of the A. F. T. 
hat we stand for, clearly set forth 
50c per hundred 


13. A Critical Evaluation of the A. F. T. 
(Aileen W. Robinson) 
A documented survey of the A. F. T. 


50c per copy 


Ge 


ORDER BY NUMBER FROM 


AMERICAN FEDERATION 
OF TEACHERS 
506 SOUTH WABASH AVENUE 


CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 





\ 






Tue SocrAL FRONTIER TO ITS READERS 


We started out nearly three years ago to produce a 
journal in the field of education which would talk frankly 
about the social situation in our country and about the 
role of the educational profession during a period of cultural 
crisis. We recognized that there were already too many 
strictly educational journals in the field; but we also recog- 
nized that in no one of them was there fearless and forth- 
right discussion of the great educational issues before the 
profession today. We aimed at producing a magazine the 
quality of whose content would win the attention and 
support not only of pioneer leaders of thought within the 
profession, but of laymen who are beginning to pin their 
hope on education. 


Now, as we publish our twenty-fifth issue, we wish to 
enlist the services of as many of our readers as are willing 
to help in a campaign to assure the continued existence of 
the magazine during future years. Never in the history 
of America has there been greater need for educators as a 
profession to have an organ of journalistic expression that 
deals fearlessly in the fundamentals of social interpretation. 
Will you pledge five dollars or more toward a fund that will 
assure continuation of THe Socirar Frontier? If you 
cannot send us a cash contribution will you try to help 
the magazine by urging others to subscribe to it? 


We hope for the help of our present readers, and for 
their cooperative efforts in the hundreds of communities 
where they have residence. Surely all can do something, 
each according to his own inclinations and powers, and 
thus give THe Soctat Frontier the necessary assurance 
for the future that would solve the persistent problem of 
meeting expenses. 


Tue Socrar FRONTIER 
44 West 90 St., New York City 

















MARXIST QUARTERLY 


A journal that because of its independent, scholarly and 
creative approach is considered the beginning of a re-birth 
of American Marxism. The first issue evoked tremendous 
enthusiasm; our second issue, we feel, is still better. In 
this April-June issue are the following articles 


ANSWER TO BROOKINGS—By Lewis Corey 

THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR—By Louis M. Hacker 

RAILROAD STRIKES OF 1877—By Philip L. Slaner 

THEORY OF CLASSES—By Abraham Edel 

NATURE AND DIALECTIC—By Sidney Hook 

PHILOSOPHY AND PHILOSOPHIZING—By Franz 
Mehring 

ON ART AND SOCIETY—By Meyer Shapiro 

THE EARLIER SCIENCE—By Benjamin Ginzburg 

(First of a series of articles on the history of science) 


In addition, there are Communications, Discussion and 
Book Reviews: The Pragmatism of John Dewey, by Corliss 
Lamont; Marx and Hegel, by Edward Conze; Philosophy 
of Aldous Huxley, by Eliseo Vivas; Social Significance of 
Biology, by A. B., etc. 


Subscribe Now—Get this Issue! 
50c a Copy: $2 a year 


MARXIST QUARTERLY 
20 Vesey Street, New York City 





The cAmsrican TE J 









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Rules Relating to Membership 


In the American Federation of Teachers 


1. General rules pertaining to membership are found in Article III of the Constitution. 


2. Superintendents may not be admitted to membership since the union was founded as a 
class-room teachers’ organization. In some rural communities the term “superintendent” is ap- 
plied to principals who teach and have little or no power to “hire and fire”. Locals may use their 
discretion in admitting such persons. 


3. The precedent has been established of admitting to membership, in the same manner as 
other teachers, principals who teach but who do not have power to “hire and fire” teachers. Con- 
stitutions of locals may or may not provide for the admission of such persons. 


4. Educational clerks, school librarians, and school nurses, employed by the same governing 
board which employs the teachers, may be admitted. In no case, however, should such persons 
be admitted if a jurisdictional dispute with any other union is involved. 


5. The Executive Council, on December 30, 1936, voted that Y.W.C.A. secretaries doing 
educational work may be admitted until such time as a definite union policy is adopted by the 
Y.W.C.A. 


6. At the same meeting of the Council (December 30, 1936) it was voted that individuals 
in private schools may be granted membership-at-large. 


7. WPA teachers may be admitted to membership provided the work they are doing may 
reasonably be defined as teaching. Those persons may be included in locals of public school 
teachers or organized separately. In case of separate organization the public school local has no 
jurisdiction over the WPA local. Separate charters are issued. 


8. Teachers in colleges and universities may be admitted to membership in public school 
locals or organized in separate locals with independent jurisdiction. Local circumstances deter- 
mine the method of organization. 


9. Teachers working entirely independently of any public school system or university (such 
as private tutors, private music teachers, etc.) are not eligible for membership. 


10. Engineers, custodians, mechanics, motion picture operators, stage hands, etc., are not 
admitted because of eligibility to membership in other unions. Close cooperation with these 
groups is urged for the good of the schools. 


11. In deciding upon “border line cases” locals should be guided by the fact that the Amer- 
ican Federation of Teachers is primarily a class-room teachers’ organization. No _ individuals 
should be admitted who in any way would endanger freedom of speech and democratic par- 
ticipation of union members in discussion of teacher problems. 


12. It is generally understood that union members, when assigned to executive positions 
with power to “hire and fire” teachers, will surrender membership in the union. An adminis- 
trator who has been a member of the union should fully understand that the program of the 
union affords a firm foundation for a good school program. 


13. A united membership should strive to eliminate the antiquated, military type of ad- 
ministrative control which still exists in some schools. Constructive, cooperative supervision 
should replace fear, inefficient rating, and destructive criticism. Democracy cannot well be 
taught in an autocratic school system. Locals should be mindful of these facts in determining rules 
for membership. 




















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