PA MERICAN | TEACHER MARCH, 1919 Ho TTT TTT TIMUR LL UIUC ULL UICC UOC AU CLL Organizing the Environs The Union Movement Among Teachers Around the Circuit From the Locals | MON VREOOARULESOUTEOANOOOUAROTAES FSA OAOEA TETANUS ALAA EEN NENAGH Democracy in Education _ Education for Democracy 50 NNN NNR NSSSURSULLSLUNNUSSRSNSR SNS ‘trigue or aggres- The American Teacher Vol. VIII, No. : The League of Nations ND I want to utter this solemn A warning, not in the way of a threat; the forces of the world do not threaten, they operate. The great tides of the world do not give notice that they are going to rise and run; they rise in their majesty and over- whelming might, and those who stand in the way are overwhelmed. Now the heart of the world is awake, and the heart of the world must be satisfied. Do not let your- son why nations should be divided in the support of justice. They are, therefore, saying, if you really believe that there is a right, if you really believe that wa#s ought to be stopped, stop thinking ahout the rival interests of nations and think about men and women and children thru- out the world. Nations are not made to afford distinction to their rulers by way of success in the manoeuvres of poli- tics; nations are meant, if they are selves suppose fora moment that the uneasi- ness in the popu- lations of Europe is due entirely to economic causes or economic mo- tives; something very much deeper underlies it all than that. They see that their Governments have never been able to defend them against in- Editorials From the Locals CONTENTS The Union Movement Among Teachers The Functions of a Teachers’ Union.. Around the Circuit A Symposium on Teachers’ Unions... Why Labor Needs the Teachers The Boston Librarians’ Union Labor and Progress, III meant for any- thing, to make the men and wo- men and children in them secure and happy and properous, and no nation has the right to set up its special interests against the inter- ests and benefits of mankind, least of all this great nation which we love. It was set up for the benefit sion, and that of mankind; it there is no force of foresight or of prudence in any mod- ern Cabinet to stop war. And therefore they say, “There must be some funda- mental cause for this,” and the funda- mental cause they are beginning to per- ceive to be that nations have stood sin- gly or in little jealous groups against each other, fostering prejudice, increas- ing the danger of war rather than con- certing measures to prevent it; and that if there is right in the world, if there is justice in the world, there is no rea- was set up to il- lustrate the highest ideals and to achieve the highest aspirations of men who wanted to be free; and the world—the world of to-day—believes that and counts on us, and would be thrown back into the blackness of despair if we de- serted it. From the Speech of PRESIDENT WILSON, delivered in New York, March 4, 1919. CNS SSSSSSSSSSNSSAN NANNY The American Teacher tered second-class matter, February 21, 1912, at the Post Office at New York, N. Y.; eee oe Published at 70 Fifth Avenue, New York, monthly, except July and August. —[—[———_———_— Vol. VII, No. 3 MARCH, 1919 under the Act of March 8, 1879. SSE One Dollar a Year — == Accessory to the Fact WO of the locals of the American Fed- T eration of Teachers, the Grade Teach- ers Union, of Washington, and the Peoria (Ill.) Men Teachers Federation, is- sue from time to time small publications giv- ing information to their members, as well as to the interested portion of the public. As such, they are accessory to the fact that a national organ cannot do everything. They are twice welcome, partly because they are doing useful service in their respective com- munities, partly because THE AMERICAN TEACHER is kept informed of what the locals are thinking. All we ask now is that each of the locals will from time to time send us let- ters written especially for our department, “From the Locals.” Our Organizers HE employment of organizers for a T new union is undertaken frequent- ly, or even usually, on the “credit No union in the beginning has enough money to employ an _ organizer, or enough members to get money from. system.” So it takes a leaf from Business, and employs a business agent to get business. To those who work a life time to get enough money to buy a house, and die without having the house, this manner of “plunging” is very reckless. But old union men everywhere say it is the only way to begin. In September, 1918, The American Fed- eration of Teachers was able to arrange for its President, Mr Chas B Stillman, to give his entire time to organizing. The results have been the organization of many locals thruout the country, and the beginning of that process of cohesion which will make the national a real force in American life. More- over, the existence of an organizer in the field has lead to the establishment of closer rela- tions between the union movement among teachers and trade unionism itself, for one of the most productive meetings of the year for us was the Annual Convention of the Illinois State Federation of Labor. Several new locals of teachers may be traced to that convention, and the interests of education and the well-being of the children of the workers have been more firmly joined. In January Mr Stillman addressed the Re- construction Conference of National Popu- lar Government League at Washington. His speech appeared in the February number. Here again he represented the joint interest of the teachers and labor. No other teachers organization has received such recognition. Later the Towner bill was brought before Congress largely as the result of the joint efforts of The American Federation of Labor, The American Federation of Teachers, and the National Education Association. This could not have been done by the officers of an association that is represented by indi- viduals who are busy in their schools hun- dreds of miles apart. In this number of THE AMERICAN TEACHER Mr Stillman re- fers to his participation in the work of a joint committee of labor and the manufac- turing interests appointed by Governor Low- den of Illinois. Altho this public work takes time, it is our opinion that it is decidedly worth while, much as it may cut into the plan for continuous organizing. It will inevita- bly lead to further organizing. While the President has been working at high pressure traveling about the country, much of the time on the “one-night stand” 51° 52 system, our National Organizer, Mr L V Lampson, has been very active in the region of Washington, and had sent out literature over a wide area, besides giving out articles thru newspaper syndicates. But all this had to be done while he was held at Washington by the stern economic necessity of looking after his job under the Washington school system. However, the pressure of a desire to get more busy lead to an effort of the part of Mr Lampson to obtain a leave of absence for a half-year. Some of the e¢* cational au- thorities favored granting the leave of ab- — sence, but the more powerful ones did not. So Mr Lampson after consultation with the Executive Council of the A F of T settled the matter by resigning from the school sys- tem. And here we see again the point continual- ly being made by labor organizers. If you want to pile up membership you must have organizers. And we have added to that bit of financial wisdom, the contribution that the organizers themselves must have nerve. How- ever, it is still up to the present membership itself to see that Mr Lampson’s courage is abundantly appreciated by us all. Organizing the Environs N this number of THE AMERICAN TEACHER I we publish the list of the locals of The American Federation of Teachers with their Presidents and Secretaries. There are two purposes in this. One is to indicate the rapidity and the extent of our development, and the other is to furnish to locals the infor- mation thru which they may begin the im- portant activity of “closing up” the vacant spaces between, and extending to the en- virons of the area. For example, there are four locals in the State of California, two in Sacramento, one in Vallejo, and one in Vis- alia. These four locals should close in on San Francisco, Oakland, Berkeley, San Jose, and Fresno, and extend thence to Chico, and Red Bluff on the North, and to Los Angeles and San Diego on the South. Even before that job is done, an organizing committee of , The American Teacher Vol. VIII, No. 3 all the locals should by all means establish connections with progressive teachers in Portland and Seattle. Seattle above all should be ashamed of itself for not having a iocal now, for Seattle teachers have in their own town one of the most enlightened and pro- gressive central labor bodies the country af- fords. And what is more, Seattle teachers have received material aid from Seaitle labor in their struggles for the square deal. It may do Seattle teachers good to know that we all know it. One of these organizing committees is al- ready at work in New York State, and has had work to do in the neighboring state of New Jersey. It may be of some encourage- ment to organizing committees to know that inquiries about the movement are coming to the officers of the national and to THE AMER- ICAN TEACHER from practically every state in the Union and from many parts of some states, and from many persons in some cities. An organizing committee may obtain the names of inquiring teachers in any region upon request from President Stillman, or National Organizer Lampson, whose ad- dresses are always in THE AMERICAN TEACHER. A useful function of such com- mittees would be the publication of news about the national union movement among teachers in local newspapers thruout the re- gion to be covered. In this way and thru di- rect personal appeals to teachers in other lo- calities the organization “bug” may be fat- tened and multiplied. Education or Chewing Gump HE quotation printed in this number from The Bankers Magazine is brutally frank, but in large measure shockingly true. Of course, we are the members of the profession which will be dis- credited if it turns out to be correct that many red-blooded boys and girls prefer a “good, fresh stick of chewing gun” to a schoo] book, "ut we have reached the point March, 1919 where we don’t care if it is. If true, it would only go to prove the assertion that many of us are beginning to make that the books, as well as the teachers, and the methods that are carried out thru the teachers, and the administration that runs the schools, all need some of the sweetness of life possessed by the best brands of chewing gum. So let that part go as stated. But when the Editor of The Bankers Magazine says, “We pay the day laborer more than the teacher because he is worth more—because he produces a service of greater value to society—just as the corpor- ation manager is paid more than the preacher,” we feel that our profession has received a ruffianly slap in the face. How- ever, it may be that we shall live to see the day when we shall be willing to grant the refreshing nature of that statement also. It helps at once the effort to explain the fact which teachers often strongly resent, the fact that an uneducated laborer does receive greater economic appreciation than teachers do. But no one has been rude enough before to say that we get less because we are worth less. The greatest surprise of this editorial in the bankers’ organ comes in the not unfriend- ly suggestion that “when the teacher breaks from the cast-iron system of education which has been devised by persons with no con- ception of the meaning of true education, he may deserve better pay than he now re- receives,” True enough, but the teachers cannot lift themselves altogether by the method of pull- ing on bootstraps. The bankers, of all per- sons, ought to realize that to get teachers who will break anything stronger than cellu- loid, it is necessary to offer an economic in- ducement. However, we expect no cheerful economic inducement. We have learned some- thing from the “laborers” which the Bankes Magazine does not mention, and does not ap- prove, the idea of unionization, which after all is the real basis of the bankers’ respect. The American Teacher 53 The Undivided Common Good N the February number of THE AMERI- I CAN TEACHER we published as part of the “Symposium on Teachers’ Unions” the article by Professor David Snedden un- favorable to the idea of teachers organizing into unions affiliated with labor unions. In this number we publish another opposition article, by Professor Kilpatrick. In this man- ner we are presenting to the minds of our readers what we believe to be the strongest objections that have yet been raised against the movement to which this periodical:is de- voted. In other words, our members now have the opportunity to realize the basis of intelligent opposition, stripped of prejudice and insincerity. For that we are under obli- gations to these two able and straightfor- ward leaders in education. The validity of much that Professor Kil- patrick says in this number, depends on whether it is correct to interpret the labor union movement as a movement against the “undivided common good.” The rest de- pends on whether we agree that public ed- ucation in relation “to democracy and the successful working of the democratic so- ciety” may receive complete and satisfactory adjustment under the present idealism and administrative practise in education. The history of the labor union movement is of course full of specialized efforts to ob- tain privileges and protection for the class. From time to time there have occurred even menacing symptoms of what Professor Kil- patrick refers to as an “unjust social order” in strikes, lockouts, destruction of property, and violence. It is evident that there would have been no division into classes, and none of the bitterness of social conflict, if those who work had been disposed to accept with- out complaint the wages and the treatment they were receiving from their employers. But there seems to be no reason for sup- posing that the employing groups would have followed any course other than the one ¢ 54 The American Teacher they did of dismissing, of punishing with im- prisonment, and of blacklisting, those who begin attempts to organize the working class. It took a long time for public opinion to agree that it was fair for labor to make demands and to enforce them thru the strike. Even now it is not universally acknowledged that it is fair. And Professor Kilpatrick main- tains a position that is quite commonly held that unionism is a movement for the benefit of a class, and not for the “undivided com- mon good.” Altho it is undeniably true that even em- ployers themselves often prefer to deal with union workers because of their greater re- sponsibility and their greater skill, many pro- fessional folk are indifferent to the well- known fact that unionism has enabled the workers to crawl out from under the burden of unendurable conditions with long hours of work, and to begin the long upward climb toward social justice in industry. To the extent that the well-being of the enormous numbers in the working class promotes the well-being of society in general, unionism should be considered not only fair but even democratic in its social bearings. It is quite possible that the point of view held by professional folk is determined un- consciously by the seemingly more social in- terests of the employing class, on whose favors and approval the rest of us live. What we like and have always felt is right seems of. course to approach more nearly the democratic ideal of the undivided common good. But in the attainment of the ideal of the undivided common good it is not only democratic, it even appears inevitable, that the conflict of new ideas with old, the strug- gle of new forces with reactionary ones, shall occur. Who shall say at what point in the development of the conflict the new forces are still in the wrong and still undemo- cratic? In public education, also, there is a strug- gle for the determination of the “undivided common good.” And the lines are drawn so sharply that we of the new force in ed- Vol. VIII, No. 3 ucation do not hesitate to denominate the old ideals and practise in education as sot only reactionary, but autocratic, never der- ocratic in the least. With this characteriza- tion it is more than likely that Professor Kilpatrick would readily agree. His objec- tion most probably would be that the new force is allied with physical force, or indus- trial force, and for that reason is not in har- mony with an orderly development of social justice in education by the methed of “per- suasion.” Our methods however, are the methods of persuasion. The new aggressive force in education, as in industry, is compelled to meet the crit- icism of the groups, one that wants things to remain as they are, the other that wants to avoid the necessity of taking up the un- tried. On account of the tremendous power of this reactionary and neutral resistance there is no chance whatever for a new move- ment that does not honestly and sincerely strive for clear ideals of the undivided com- mon good. The union movement among teachers is such a movement. The fact that in the labor movement we find the only so- cial group that is openly, continuously and aggressively interested in the establishment of radically improved conditions in the schools, and in the democratic administra- tion of education, is an important reason for teachers being in the union movement. Ge American Teacher Democracy in Education Education for De Published monthly, except July oa y has — THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS at 70 Fifth Avenue, New York City HENRY R LINVILLE, Editor ABRAHAM LEFKOWITZ, Business Manager. At the time of expiration, a bill will be found in the copy Subscribers are requested to give promvt notice of changes in address. Remittances should be made in postal * order, draft, stamps or check (New ay Ay i SUBSCRIPTION PRICE, ONE DOLLAR FOR THE YEAR— FOREIGN, $1.10. ~_ —_ oe aft af @&& 2 at a> The Union Movement Among Teachers WILMER T STONE DeWitt Clinton High School, New York ing a labor union seem incongruous in the extreme. What has become of the dignity of the oft praised and idealized profession? The teachers themselves are wondering whether the profession has been forgotten in the feverish rush of modern life, or whether they are supposed to subsist on a rather faded and motheaten dignity. At any rate, the cost of living is recognized as a more realistic thing than vague words of praise and esteem, so that we find the union movement simply explained, in origin at least, by stationary salaries and mounting ( T first blush the idea of teachers form- expenses. Even under the spur of necessity, teachers do not take kindly to unionism. There is a notorious hiatus between the intellectual life of our colleges and normal schools and the great busy world of today. Moreover, the academic atmosphere tends to produce a pa- tronizing attitude on the part of its inhab- itants towards labor, more especially organ- ized labor, while concentration on specialties such as mathematics, Latin, grammar, or classical literature, do not help to make the student feel a keen sympathetic interest in labor and its problems. The result is that the average teacher has a somewhat disdainful feeling toward labor and a profound ignor- ance of its struggles, hopes and achievements. Nevertheless, many teachers are beginning _ to realize that labor is their truest friend, and that they themselves are a part of the great world of labor, faced by the same problems as their brothers and sisters in factories, of- fices, and shops. For fifteen years in Chicago the teachers have worked hand in hand with organized labor for better educational condi- tions. It was but natural that eventually they should form unions affiliated with the Ameri- can Federation of Labor. At present the American Federation of Teachers, an inte- gral part of the A F of L, consists of fifty- 55 three locals in various cities, including Chica- go, New York, Washington, St. Paul, and many smaller municipalities. The president of the A F of T, Mr Charles B Stillman, is now freed from his school duties in order to enable him to spread the union idea in new cities, and is devoting his entire time to or- ganization work with ever growing success. Altho the desire to increase salaries in accordance with the increased cost of living is the primary explanation of the formation of teachers’ unions, yet the possibilities of the movement far transcend the salary ques- tion. The reduction of the size of classes, and the general improvement of teaching condi- tions follow as a logical next step. The se- curing of tenure of office, representation of teachers on school boards, and a voice in shaping the curriculum are other demands of progressive teachers. The union movement is in itself an education to the educators, making always for a clear conception of the need of industrial democracy, and the devel- opment of a sense of social responsibility in place of the numbing, blind, unthinking obe- dience which makes teaching such a dreary and uninspired occupation in most American schools today. It is easy to see how teachers benefit by association with organized labor, when the latter uses its political power to aid them in their struggle for better conditions. And the help that teachers can give labor is equally apparent, when one considers how anxious the average worker is that his children shall be taught by men and women who take a keen interest in their work and who have a lib- eral social outlook, not by weary drudges who are in a blind alley apart from the main cur- rents of modern life. For the union worker realizes that the newspapers, one great moulding influence in the formation of public opinion, are not friendly to his interests and do not adequately express his point of view. 56 He then turns to the schools, the second and even more important moulder of opinion, to see if he cannot so influence them as to give the coming generation of workers a better appreciation of their own true interests. Not only does union labor count on the more or less unconscious, gradual, and cumulative ef- fect of a body of teachers who share his ideals upon the impressionable minds of school ‘children, but much more directly does he seek the aid of teachers. The educational planks in the platform of the A F of L are invaria- bly drawn up by representatives of the Amer- ican Federation of Teachers, and the trade unionists constantly look to the unionized teachers for suggestions which will make the The American Teacher Vol. VIII, No. 3 curriculum better suited to the needs of the children of the workers. Looking still further afield, the workers expect aid from the teachers in interpreting and spreading broadcast the new democratic ideals which are coming to the fore all over the world in the economic and political spheres. How can a teacher, who has no understanding of labor’s struggles and hopes, or sympathy with them, be an interpreter of the great vision of a reconstructed world which organized labor everywhere is dream- ing of today. Labor knows that it can find no more powerful ally than the progressive teacher in making this vision of today become the realty of the next generation. The Functions of a Teachers’ Union CHARLES B STILLMAN President, The American Federation of Teachers HE opinions of an individual con- cerning the functions of teachers’ unions are of little importance compared with the conceptions of the vari- ous locals, which it is hoped this series will bring out. But to me our national motto has never become trite. I believe that the primary function is to develop the spirit of democracy in our schools, and to pro- vide the machinery for its practical applica- tion. And even after the machinery has been supplied, possibly thru a teachers’ council which is not a misnomer, there is need of a union to prevent possibilities of abuse thru indifference. But democracy means more than machin- ery, important as that is. Teachers’ councils will enable the schools to profit by the in- itiative and experience of the class room teachers, but will not provide any contact between the teachers and the community life for which they are supposed to prepare their pupils. Teachers’ unions, thru their affilia- tions, do provide that intimate contact with economic and civic life. The most disas- trous short-comings of our public schools are directly traceable to the ignorance of the vital currents of the times, the aloofness of the teachers from life. Our movement will mean the end of that aloofness, and a long step toward the democratic coopera- tion of all workers. A greatly improved economic status is a fundamental necessity of the teaching craft if the schools are to secure and retain men and women of ability. Union committees should gather information on relative in- creases in cost of living and teachers’ sal- aries in their various localities, on relative compensation in other callings and in teach- ing, with comparative data on cost of prepa- ration in time and money, and on value to the community of services performed, the last in no invidious spirit. Other commit- tees should be studying school revenues, the equitable enforcement of existing tax laws, and the necessary legislative measures to provide adequate school funds. All avail- able avenues of publicity should be utilized to keep the facts of the situation and the recommended measures before the public. Affiliation with local and state central March, 1919 labor bodies not only furnishes the best ave- nue of publicity, but secures the most effect- ive support. The organized teachers can keep the committees on education of all such central bodies informed on school conditions, and can cooperate with them in outlining and carrying into effect a forward-looking policy for the improvement of the schools. Where superintendents and boards of edu- cation are progressive, the organized teachers can bring them needed support; where they are reactionary, their designs on the schools can be thwarted by salutary publicity. The American Teacher 57 Teachers’ unions, by working out the prob- lems of educational reconstruction and se- curing for their program the support of or- ganized labor, can forestall the efforts of the reactionaries to shape the development of our school system during the next few years of change. And the teachers, if unaffiliated, maintaining their traditional isolation, will find themselves powerless, playing their traditional réle of victim, in the conflict that is already upon us. Enlistment in the forces of progress in that struggle is the great service the teachers’ unions are rendering their profession and their country. Around the Circuit CHARLES B STILLMAN President, The American Federation of Teachers FEDERAL LEGISLATION N encouraging phase of the legislative A situation is the establishment of co- operation between the American Federation of Teachers and the National Education Association. During the Educa- tional Reconstruction program of the Nation- al Popular Government League at Washing- ton, Jan 10, Mr Hugh Magill, Legislative Representative of the N E A, asked if we could not get together on a federal program. We welcomed a conference, the more readily because Mr Magill while in the Illinois Senate had made a record of friendly cooperation with labor and of vigorous support for pro- gressive educational measures. During the days immediately following numerous confer- ences were held involving at one time or an- other Secretary Morrison and Legislative Agent Sterling of the A F of L, Mr Magill, Secretary Crabtree, and Mr Searson, of the N E A, and Mr. Lampson and myself of the A F of T, with very satisfactory results. We found the N E A men friendly to our move- ment, and always willing to meet us half way in suggested modifications of the Smith Bill. They agreed to insert in the language of the bill specific mention of teachers’ salaries, and made various minor changes at the sugges- ton of Mr Lampson or myself. In consulta- tion with A F of L offiicals we had previously determined to submit a separate bill which labor could get behind, but we found the A F of L officials entirely willing to adopt the changed plan. They said in, effect, “You or- ganized teachers are the ones with special interests and special knowledge in that field, and if you want us to support the Smith Bill, modified according to your suggestions, we will take our coats off.” The N E A people agreed that it would be wise to have the bill introduced in the House under the auspices of organized labor. You have recently seen press reports announcing that it had been introduced by Horace M Towner, of Iowa. The A F of L have asked all affiliated bodies in the United States to urge its pas- sage upon their Congressmen. Without the relief provided in that bill it is impossible for the public schools of the country to meet the demands of the reconstruction period, or even approximately to maintain pre-war standards. NEW LOCALS Your President has found the last month, with the exception of the conferences in Washington, chiefly a period of one night stands. 58 It would be difficult for a dozen workers to meet all the requests for the explanation of our movement which are constantly coming in from all sections, and one can scarcely touch the high spots. We are very fortunate in having Mr Lampson, our National Organ- izer, give all of his time to the A F of T commencing March Ist, making two workers on full time. In February Mr Lampson or- ganized the Lynchburg Teachers’ Union No 48, and the Hill City Teachers’ Union No 49, both in Lynchburg, Va., and March Ist he or- ganized the teachers of Prince George Coun- ty, Md, making the fifty-second charter is- sued. From the time of the last report in the February AMERICAN TEACHER, announcing the forty-second charter, to the present (March 3rd), we have also granted charters to the St Paul Federation of Men Teachers No. 438, the Sacramento Elementary Public School Teachers Chapter No 44, the Mahoney City Federation of Teachers No 45 (a one hundred per cent organization at the outset), the Peoria Federation of Women High School Teachers No 46, the Peoria Grade Teachers’ Association No 47, and Nos 50 and 51 to the teachers of Visalia, Cal., and Murphysboro, Tl. While many of these charters were issued following a personal presentation of our pur- poses and methods, many were the result of the organizing activities of our locals. De- velopments in many other communities are exceedingly interesting and encouraging, and will provide material for later reports. We all hope that each of our locals will soon be sending in their reports to THE AMERICAN TEACHER. THE ILLINOIS JOINT COMMITTEE ON INDUSTRIAL RECONSTRUCTION Governor Lowden has initiated a plan in Illinois which should soon be followed in every state in the union. He asked the Illinois State Federation of Labor and the Illinois Manufacturers’ Association: each to suggest fifteen representatives whom he could appoint as a joint committee to work out solutions of reconstruction problems in The American Teacher Vol. VIII, No. 3 industry. When appointed one of the fificen labor representatives, I could not avoid trasting the changed status of the t ers, the opportunities for functioning citizens opened up by affiliation with la‘ or, with the traditional attitude toward teac!«rs, with the contemptuous, patronizing toler: which, at the best, has greeted any atte: on the part of teachers to exert their du fluence in the practical life of the commu The initial conferences in the Govern.» office and in his home, and the later org: ing session in Chicago give promise of ‘ar reaching results. The plan meets one o! most pressing needs of this period, tha: of increased opportunity for meeting face to face, threshing things out across the table, and exhausting every possibility of coopera- tion for the common good, as the only ef- fective answer to the dogma of inevitable class war. Our Purblind Autocrats. The list of teachers dismissed or suspended from the New York public schools in consequence of dif- ference of opinion from the majority has received a notable addition in the name of Benjamin Glassberg. Mr. Glassberg was furnished a textbook on current history which he was told to teach “with enthusiasm.” This is apparently the book which makes such elab- orate apology for the long continued neutrality of the United States that the late Theodore Roosevelt requested that the record of his own contribution to the making of this particular part of history be de- leted. Had Mr. Roosevelt been a teacher under the New York School Board he would apparently have failed in enthusiasm at this point and been subject to the tender mercies of Dr. Tildsley. It was on the pages devoted to the Russian Revolution that Mr. Glassberg’s enthusiasm seems to have flagged. At any rate it was on the day when he confessed certain doubts as to the extent to which Lenin and Trotsky were German agents and regretted that testimony in regard to the situation in Russia was suppressed, that.twelve of his pupils (including the only ten Gentiles in the class) were summoned to the princi- al’s office to bear witness against him. Thereupon r. Glassberg was suspended without pay. Eight weeks have passed and he is still under suspension, with no charges filed against him. At last accounts the twelve witnesses were being subjected to con- tinued examination by Principal Raynor, and re- cently Dr. Tildsley spent a day at the school col- lecting evidence. We cannot think so ill of the School Board as to imagine that if Mr. Glassberg is ever tried he will be found guilty of anything unbecoming a teacher. On his acquittal perhaps he will be offered the terms resented to his predecessor in martyr- dom, Mr. Perlstein. Mr. Perlstein was suspended without pay in January, 1918, presumably for lac of uoey with the war. After serving the U. S. Government for a year in uniform he is offered re- instatement without for the period of sus)en- sion.—F rom The Dial of March 8, 1919. A Symposium on II Teachers’ Unions The purpose of this symposium on teachers’ unions is to bring out positive and intelligent convictions on ti a jabor union movement. affiliated with labor. Further articles for or against the union movement Against II PROFESSOR WILLIAM HEARD KILPATRICK Teachers College, Columbia University HOULD our public school teacher by S formal organization become an inher- ent part of the trade union move- ment? The problem is knotty. The answer, as it seems to me, is no. Let us at the out- set admit—at least for the sake of argu- ment, for myself I accept it as true—that the labor union has proved a useful and probably necessary piece of social machinery to secure rights that otherwise would have been effectually denied or at any rate long postponed. The question then becomes es- sentially an inquiry as to whether public school teachers are on the same footing as those others who have justly improved or might so improve their conditons of work. This inquiry hangs on the relationship of education, especially public education, to de- mocracy and to the successful working of the democratic society. For the democratic state to abide it would seem necessary that there should in the future prevail a higher regard for the undivided common good. Such a re- gard must take more—not less—effective precedence over private and separatist inter- ests than has heretofore prevailed. The duty of building this dominating regard for an in- clusive public good seems to me to fall in a unique sense and degree upon the public school. I grant that success here can only come hand in hand with a correlative increase of justice in the economic and industrial fields ; but I cannot see how our teachers can foster such a controlling regard for common un- divided good if their acts—which outweigh mere words—ally them with a part and not 59 question of whether there is educational or social justification for the alliance of teachers with the The article presented in this number offers objections to teachers joining unions The reply will be found in the editorial entitled, “The Undivided Common Good.” among teachers are invited. with the whole of corporate social life. Such an arraying of group against group is cer- tainly one of the most regrettable and dan- gerous aspects of an unjust social ‘order. Our laboring people have apparently been forced into such a divisive attitude; but teachers have a peculiar obligation in the matter and should, as it seems to me, be the last to leave the post of duty. They must represent the whole and not a part. The conception of democracy yields yet another opposing consideration, in which ed- ucation is if possible more inherently in- volved. Persuasion—the fair presentation of fact and argument—should in a peculiar sense constitute the educator’s way of fight- ing wrongs. Democracy is more than major- ity rule. It stands as truly for social con- trol by reason. It will operate as far re- moved as it feasibly can from the social con- trol of threat and force, and as close as it possibly can to the social control of fair and just persuasion. This democratic social con- trol, I need not point out, is exactly educa- tion itself at work in a situation of social stress. Democracy and education are here- in inherently identified. It would seem then a peculiar and essential disloyalty both to democracy and to education for teachers unnecessarily to forsake the use of reason and argument and rely instead on threat and force. Let me hasten to admit that I have in the foregoing assumed—perhaps unjustifia- bly—what many will count the very points at issue: I have supposed that teachers have just grievances and that the proposed rem- edy is essentially a program of coercion and force. I have further assumed that per- suasion is still feasible and force and threat even yet unnecessary. Whether or not I 60 we te am justified in these assumptions is not for me to say. But what must be the effect upon the young of our iand, who need perhaps as never before to understand the ideals of democracy, if they see their teachers them- selves refuse to use the education and reason which they profess to inculcate? The American Teacher Vol. VIII, No. 3 From these considerations I should regret to see our teachers adopt the proposed |a- bor union plan of righting their wrongs. The ways of democracy are often very slow, and in situations of crisis may perhaps yield somewhat to the emergency; but for teach- ers, the natural guardians of the citadel, to forsake the cause—that we cannot approve. Why Labor Needs the Teachers MRS LYDIA J TROWBRIDGE President, The Federation of Women High School Teachers, Local No. 3, HO are the members of trade unions? W\ Most of them are fathers, mothers, sisters or brothers of school chil- dren. Many of them are making sacrifices to keep these children in school. All of them appreciate the value of education. But often they are disappointed with what the school does for the child. Mary or Johnny is not really “educated.”” There must be some- thing wrong somewhere. But what? How can they find out? Thru the teachers. Herein lies the greatest service teachers’ unions can render labor. Individual teach- ers may help individual parents. But indi- viduals are powerless to change systems, be they business systems or educational systems. It is only by organizing, and formulating principles for which they are ready to fight that teachers, like other workers, can make their influence felt effectively. Today forty-nine teachers’ unions are working on the problem of educational re- construction. The results will be a national platform, not for those teachers only, but for the American Federation of Labor. Indeed, for the past three years teachers have been molding the educational policies of the Fed- eration of Labor. The next step is to give publicity to these principles—to impress on every trade union man and woman the importance of every plank in the platform. To do this requires Chicago, Ill. a bureau of propaganda, with speakers to present the subject to every union. The idea of using schools for forums must be pushed, forums in which teachers and par- ents can discuss the special problems of the community. Whether he recognizes it or not, a child’s best friends are his parents and his teachers. No one can try to train a girl or a boy for five months without becoming interested in the child’s success. And an unconscious bond of sympathy with the parents grows out of the pride or the disappointment resulting from the experiment—pride in Mary’s quick intelligence, in Maude’s quiet perseverance, or disappointment at John’s indifference and hatred of books. No one knows better than teachers how an- tiquated are some of the methods still in use. Perhaps John is justified in hating school, when the red blood coursing thru his arteries is calling him to action, and it is misery to sit still. But his parents want him to be a lawyer, or a bookkeeper. So many pa- rents force their children into certain ca- reers, regardless of the child’s aptitude; so many children drift into certain courses be- cause their friends are there. The union and the forum furnish a medium thru which to learn of new methods in education, new means to guide parents and children in choosing a career. Parents must be aroused to a sense of their own responsi- March, 1919 bility for the kind of education their children receive; and teachers must arouse them. Then must follow cooperation for better edu- cavion. Some of us talk much about democratizing education, which I take it means, among other things, that in secondary schools and uni- versities the students should have a voice in the policies of the institution; that there should be a school council to which they send representatives—a teacher-student body. In- deed, it might be wise to introduce into our state universities and normal schools the three new weapons of democracy: Initiative, referendum, and recall, the last presupposing the right to elect the administrative and teaching body. Now what better place to set these ideas brewing than in labor unions? Again this enforces the need of systematic educational propaganda. Many of these reforms can have no imme- diate realization. But one benefit that labor is already deriving from union teachers is the presentation in the schools of industrial problems from labor’s point of view. Thru The American Teacher 61 debates and current news, opportunity is given to present the value of standardizing working conditions by organization and col- lective bargaining; the influence of child la- bor upon the wage market, as well as upon the child; the injustice of women’s underbid- ding men. Here, then, are five reasons why labor needs the teachers: for direct information on school conditions, for help in educational ieconstruction, for cooperation in giving publicity to its demands, to promote a more democratic control of all schools supported by public monies, and to educate the young in the principles of trade unionism. The greatest contribution, however, that teachers can make to trade unionism is ideal- ism. A prominent worker once said, “The * Knights of Labor had one thing that trade unionism too often lacks—idealism: the Knights had vision.” Idealism has often- times raised teachers to statesmen and diplo- mats. Idealism has freed slaves, established republics, and conceived a World League. For idealism is the lode-star of democracy. The Boston Librarians’ Union CHESTER A S FAZAKAS Library Employees Union, Boston, Mass., Number 16113, A F of L our Union was, and is, the improve- ment of all the working conditions of employment including the “wage ques- ke primary object of the formation of tion.” It must not be assumed that we were actuated by mercenary purposes or mo- tives by any means. On the contrary a “higher wage system” was but a means to an end. Libraries, even more so than schools, are unique for the smallness of the monetary recompense received by the assistants— whether these latter be collegians or not. In view of this fact, a number of assistants in the Boston Library arrived at the conclusion that the smallness of the pay was due primar- ily to ourselves, insofar as we had remained lethargic for years—accepting a poor wage as a matter of course. Just as long as em- ployers of my line of endeavor are content to accept the minimum wage, just so long will they receive it. Many of us felt that need of constant study in order to bring upon our institution and its traditions the credit which is its just due. Especially is this true when one realizes the kaleidoscopic changes of the age in which we live. Now, the requirements of a library assistant are of such latitude that it is quite obvious that one’s powers of efficiency can be increased only by close study. True, a great deal of library work is assimilative, but the major portion is acquired only by 62 The American Teacher hard and earnest study. In order to study, it is necessary to be in possession of greater material aid—in the form of money, which, as libraries now stand, is not forthcoming. It would be rather difficult to trace the cause of this small wage in libraries—it is a condi- tion of long standing. As was said by Miss Squires in the October (1918) AMERICAN TEACHER, library life has a great tendency to stifle whatever initiative one may possess. Being conscious of this, as most of us are, does it not follow that it is incumbent upon each one of us to act in uni- son and raise ourselves out of the common “rut” into which we, of Librarydom, are so prone to fall? It does not and will not solve the problem to have the suggestion made to one that perhaps a change of employment would net a larger increase in one’s purse. This, indeed, is a very weak remark to make to a large number of men and women who have devoted a life-time to the service of the reading public. It ought never to be admitted that libraries are relics of the ancient days in so far as the wage questioned is concerned. Realizing these conditions and having a considerable degree of pride in our chosen field, a number of us, after sincere and de- liberate consideration and honest thought, concluded that the solution to our question appeared in The American Federation of La- bor. In May, 1918, just one year after a few energetic assistants in the New York Library had blazed the trail, we sought, and obtained, admission into this great American organiza- ton. No one can justly deny that the step is the one step that holds the greatest promise of placing libraries on the proper basis— financially, especially. Of course, like all pio- neers thruout history, there is bound to be caustic, and sometimes offensive, criticism leveled at us, but since we feel that we have done the proper thing, we surely will not give heed to criticism that is only antagonistic. Conservatism is one of the most prominent characteristics of a certain type of library assistant. In fact, it seems to be character- istic of most of them. Vol. VIII, No. 3 As an illustration of this conservatism, | shall tell our experience in organizing. No- tices were sent to all persons employed thru- out our system that an open meeting was t be held to discuss the feasability of unioniza tion. Only forty-six out of a possible t hundred came to this meeting It will «l- ways remain a mystery to the writer why those who remained without our ranks faiied to grasp the full significance of this upward movement. Surely, by now they must be convinced that their condition, financially, could hardly be worse. What hope has a c0!- lege man or woman under the library sys- tem of today? What hope has a man or woman who grew up in the service? in neither case has there been any hope for bet- ter wages. If the A F of L were immora! in its aims or methods, one could readily under- * stand why librarians should hesitate to join. But the history of unionism proves the exact opposite. Its most salient feature is that it does improve the conditions of its members. Being a moral good it consequently has a moral force behind it; hence its great success and growth. It seems strange that there exists such a feeling of antagonism among so many library people against the thought of alabor union. Their stand, like the Tories of England, seems to be that anything pro- gressive must be condemned because it is breaking all precedents. One of this type actually wrote in one of Boston’s papers, that those who had organized and joined the Union were “unprofessional” and “undigni- fied.” If he were true in his charges, and of course he is not, then every physician and . dentist—to mention only a few of the profes- sion—must be horribly “unprofessional,” for they have a happy faculty of keeping their prices most uniform. If this latter feature does not suggest a union by standing to- gether then there is no such thing as a union. How little do our opponents understand the meaning of the word “labor’’! We have been accused of “disloyalty” and similar terms of opprobrium to our best tra- ditions, but we try to keep in mind the nar- row mental perspective of many devoting M arch, 1919 their lives to library work, and to make al- jowance for a natural (?) horror of such a radical step as New York and Boston took. At present we, of Boston, number about forty per cent of the total working force eligible to the Union, but, no doubt when our efforts of se]f-amelioration bear fruit, there will be an influx of no mean proportion, for truly, no cultured body of people would enjoy benefits at the expense of others’ efforts. in all our transactions it is aimed to have perfect accord and harmony exist between the Trustees, the Librarian, and the Union. All members of our staff are eligible to our Union except, of course, chiefs of all depart- ments directly responsible to the Librarian. The reason for this clause in our constitution is easily explained. Experience has taught that there is a greater display of action and a larger exchange of constructive ideas among the assistants when the chiefs are not present. This appears rather Unamerican, but it is a fact. It must not be inferred from the foregoing remarks that any apology for the Union is offered. The A F of L needs no apology—it stands on its own merits. All that this arti- cle aims to do is to appeal to all who are not already unionized. To any one who can see ahead it must be evident that the day is not far distant when all who labor for a stipu- The American Teacher 63 lated salary, or “wage,” even “professionals” will be unionized. No less an authority than President Wilson has urged it in.no mistak- able terms. Before closing this article the writer wishes to draw the attention of the readers to the following significant bit of news: A friend of mine—a teacher in one of Bos- ton’s High Schools—said last November (1918) that within a year from date ALL the school-teachers thruout the entire Boston system would be members of the A F of L. Personally the writer believes this to be true, but let us see whose mind will be the first to introduce the subject to the teachers. The time only waits for the proper person to get into touch with. the powerful “Teachers’ Club” of Boston. As it is hoped that in time the library as- sistants thruout the whole country will be a National Body, why cannot the same be said of the teachers thruout the country? It only needs a man or woman with sufficient force of character (and conviction) to accomplish this task. The effort will be hard, but the goal is worthy of any hardship! If any employer of library should by chance see this little exposition of our aims, and wishes to form a union in the library in which he is employed, the writer would be only too pleased to hear from him. Labor and Progress III MARGARET SNODGRASS HARDING Chicago, Ill. LABOR AT THE PEACE CONFERENCE N international organization of labor A under the League of Nations is slow- ly being worked out by the labor commission of the Peace Conference under the presidency of Mr Gompers. Article XX of the .draft of the covenant of the League reads: “The high contracting parties will endeav- or to secure and maintain fair and humane conditions of labor for men, women, and chil- dren both in their own countries and in all countries to whch their commercial and in- dustrial relations extend, and to that end agree to establish as part of the organization of the league a permanent bureau of labor.” An official communique of February 18 stated that the commission had greed that “at the annual labor conference the govern- ment of each state shall be represented by 64 The American Teacher two delegates having one. vote each, while there will be one delegate from each state representing employers and having one vote, and one delegate representing work people, also having one vote.” It was decided at the meeting of the com- mission on February 7 that women should be admitted as delegates to the permanent in- ternational conference. WOMEN AT THE PEACE CONFERENCE Delegates of four of the five great powers represented in the peace conference have ex- pressed their approval of the proposal that women be added to all those commissions of the conference which are dealing with mat- ters affecting women and children. The com- mission on labor manifestly comes within this definition. Simultaneously there comes the announce- ment that four representatives of the Na- tional Women’s Trade Union League have se- cured passports and will present the claims of women workers to the peace conference. They are Agnus Nestor, president of the Chi- cago League; Rose Schneiderman, president of the New York League; Melinda Scott, na- tional vice-president, and Mary Dreier, sister of Mrs. Raymond Robins, the national presi- dent; Mrs Robins is heading a committee ap- pointed by the Y W C A to investigate the in- dustrial and economic standards of the women of England, France, Switzerland, and Italy. “An immediate voice in the peace confer- ence and a permanent representation on the labor bureau” are demanded for women- workers by the representatives of the Trade Union League. THE SOCIALIST AND LABOR CONFER- ENCES AT BERNE The delegation of the American Federation of Labor to the inter-allied trades union con- ference at Paris did not attend either of the Berne congresses. Reports from Berne as to the attendance, temper, and outcome of the meetings are confused and conflicting. A cable from Chester M Wright states that the forty-three socialists of the French Chamber of Deputies led by Compere Morel have for- Vol. VIII, No. 3 mally repudiated the Berne socialist congress because it refused to declare itself on the war culpability of the German social democracy. On the other hand Pierre Renaudel, leader of the moderate wing of the French socialist party, is reported by Paul Scott Mowrer as saying that results were on the whole sat s- factory. The socialist congress by a large majority voted for the Branting resolution against bwl- shevism. This resolution pointed out that the true development of socialism lies not along destructive, but constructive and truly democratic lines. Thus it should increase rather than decrease production. The pro- gram adopted by the labor congress was also adopted by the socialist congress, and both appointed delegations to present it to the peace conference at Paris. A deplorable aftermath of the Berne con- gress is the assassination of Kurt Eisner, pre- mier of Bavaria, a German minority socialist delegate. His speeches at Berne in which he exposed the responsibility of the German military party for the war, revealed the in- human treatment of allied prisoners, and de- clared that he had documntary evidence that the German general staff still maintained se- cret relations with Lenin and Trotsky ap- parently goaded the militarists to seek re- venge. Eisner’s death is especially unfortunate at this time as it removes the moderating influ- ence of a man of genuinely democratic ideals who had the courage to denounce both the German majority socialists for their support of the old regime and bolshevism for its de- structive and undemocratic methods. Expenditures for Education and Other Things In the annual report of the Secretary of the In- terior appears the following among a number of other inquiries of a like character: “What should be said of a democracy which ex- pends in a year twice as much for chewing gum as for school books, more for automobiles than for all primary and secondary education, and in which the average teacher’s salary is less than of the aver- age day laborer?” : Doubtless Secretary Lane raises these inquiries like a clergyman or other public speaker—so that he himself may furnish the answer. At the risk of an unwelcome intervention a reply may be ventured to these inquiries. March, 1919 rhe most obvious reply to the Secretary’s question is that freedom is of the very essence of democracy, and that this tendency is but an evidence of the people’s desire to throw off the shackles which con- vention would impose upon them and to discard the restraints and trammels of organized society. But may it not also be an evidence of a natural and healthy mind? What boy or girl unless hope- lessly angzmic would prefer a school book—the ab- surd grammars, the impossible problems in math- ematies and all the rest of the dreary hodge-podge of stuff masquerading under the guise of education —_to a good, fresh stick of chewing gum? Why should anybody expect that people should expend more on “primary and secondary education” than they do for automobiles? This so-called “ed- ucation” merely cramps and warps the mind of the child and imprisons his body in the crowded school room where he contracts tuberculosis and other dis- eases, while the automobile takes him on the wings of the wind to the country where he may see and learn and enjoy all at the same time amid health- ful and inspiring surroundings. We pay the day laborer more than the teacher because he is worth more—because he produces a The American Teacher 65 service of greater value to society—just as the cor- poration manager is paid more than the preacher. When the teacher breaks from the cast-iron system of “education” which has been devised by persons with no conception of the meaning of true educa- tion he may deserve better pay than he now receives. Secretary Lane should not be dismayed because the people of this country prefer chewing gum to calculus or automobiles to arithmetic. The people of a democracy sometimes have curious ways of re- vealing themselves, and the wise statesman will study these ways and their meanings with an atten- tiveness which should lead to a correct interpreta- tion of them.—Editorial in The Bankers Magazine of January, 1919. Praises Teachers’ Union. S. E. Kramer, assistant superintendent of schools, said at a meeting of the Monday Evening Club that the Teachers’ Unions have been “one of the most har- monizing influences in the community. They have helped teachers realize that they are a part of the vital throbbing life of the community, and not a class apart working for some hazy sort of ideal.’—From The Washington (D. C.) Star. From the Locals of the American Federation of Teachers From Local 26, Vallejo, California N the January issue, we have read with | interest an article entitled “The Way to Power,” in which the statement is made: “Charter No. 36 has been issued.” Further on in the same paragraph occurs the justifiable boast, “From New York to Sacramento, and from St. Paul to the Canal Zone, marks the stretch of our chartered area.” Now we are loyal Californians, and proud of our Capital City; but we wish to suggest that there are two items in which, as A F T people, we are entitled to precedence over our sister chapters in this state. Vallejo Chapter is No. 26, the first chapter organized in the Golden State, and farther west than Sacramento. The latter honor we hope soon to surrender, as our larger cen- ters on the coast join the on-marching hosts; but honorable mention as the earliest A F T organization in California will always fall to Vallejo, No. 26. Our little city is the site of Mare Island Navy Yard, where the men from our public schools build jtistice-defend- ing dreadnaughts, and where the teachers in those schools are banded with them to extend justice until dreadnaughts shall be no longer necessary. For justice is the “Way to Power,” and in her name from the Far West we greet you. CHAIRMAN OF PRESS COM. From Local No. 16 (The Grade Teachers’ Union, Washington, D. C.) UR union has grown very rapidly, () having at present a membership of about four hundred and seventy- five. As you know we have been carrying on a campaign for higher salaries. As a result the minimum salary was raised last year from $500 to $750. We have been working this year for a thousand dollar minimum, but so far we have not succeeded in obtaining it. We are hoping great things from the next Congress. We are also working to have a pension bill] passed, but that also has been delayed. 66 The American Teacher ‘ The Union has committees at work on Teachers’ Councils, Reconstruction in Edu- cation, Organization, etc, and much is being accomplished. One splendid meeting has been held under the auspices of the Commit- tees on Reconstruction from the High School Teachers’ Union and our own. Another is to be held in the near future. These meetings are addressed by excellent speakers, men who have accomplished much. The meetings of our Union have been well attended and are always bright and interest- ing. There seems to be a spirit of enthusi- asm among our teachers that makes the work of the officers well worth while. Next week I shall send you our News Letter which will give you some idea of what we are doing. Fraternally Yours, GERTRUDE L LADSON. From Local No. 5 (The Teachers’ Union) New York THOUGHT CONTROLLERS HAT may a teacher think? What may he not think? What may a teacher say,—in class room? What may he not say in class room? What may he say outside of the class room? What may he not say outside of the class room? For these admittedly momentous ques- tions (more especially in a country which has so unstintingly helped to make the whole world safe for DEMOCRACY) there is no authoritative answer. Our educational con- trollers of- opinion-and-belief-and-expression have not labored under the social or intel- lectual necessity of communicating to the teaching body the true requirements, positive and negative, concerning the all-important problems of “‘freedom of thought and expres- sion” in the class room and outside. What rights has the teacher as teacher? Who’s to decide? What rights has the teacher as citizen? Who’s to decide? What rights of freedom of thought and utterance has the teacher in time of peace? In time of war? In time of armistice? Vol. VIII, No. 3 Before applying ourselves to these sign: /i- cant queries, let us briefly recall sever: rather well-known cases of penalized pe \a- gogs. Six teachers were transferred from De Witt Clinton High (in November, 1917) on the informal charge of “negative loyalt\.” On the formal charge of “conduct unbecom- ing a teacher,” three teachers were