Dmerican Geacher Democracy in Education ; Education for =, - w- LURE AY oF EDUES The City ‘My Security lies in Honor and Justice, Not in Dungeons or in Bludgeons ; My Wealth is in Men, Women and Children, Not in Bonds or in Bank-Balances; My Health is in the Joy and Good Cheer of the People, Not in Sullen Silence or Stupor; My Prosperity rests upon Intelligence and Skill, Not Upon Cunning and Exploitation; My Progress comes from Life ever more Abundant, Not from War’s Devastation or Death. COLLEGE YOUTH AND OPPORTUNITY SiwNEy E. MEzeEs President, College of the City of New York TIMES OF RAPID and deep-going change are most congenial to youth, as they are least congenial to age. Most of the young are forward-looking, while most of those who have reached or passed middle age are backward-looking. The young have not yet settled them- selves comfortably, or adjusted them- selves, with more or less satisfaction, to things as they are, as those who have lived their way into life have done. It is therefore to the young that the oncom- ing days of readjustment will call. There are many thoughts as to what will happen when the war is over; so many, that sober minded observers can have but little faith in detailed prophe- cies. But in face of the stupendous con- flict across the Atlantic, the gigantic clash of rival interests and ideals, the un- precedented effort put forth, the appal- ling suffering and dislocation of life thru- out the war-ridden nations, it is plain to see that men will begin to ask themselves for a revaluation of the ideals, the meth- ods and the organizations that have brought about the terrible clash. The years that follow the war will witness a careful and thorogoing resurvey and re- appraisement of our customary conduct, of the organizations of various kinds to which we have become habituated, and of the modes of thoughts and standards of value that have guided our lives. And, of course, this inevitably means many changes, at once rapid and even, in places, fundamental. And this apprais- ing and planning will give opportunities for the youthful and forward-looking, greater and more responsible opportun- ties than any which have preceded them except, it may be, those that arose with the beginnings of Christianity and with the days of the Reformation, To us in America, the dawn of a new era will have an added significance pe- culiarly its own. For whether we will it or not, our traditional policy of isola- tion will, perforce, be abandoned. Our country will take its place as an active member, probably a leading member, of the family of nations, that will be forced, apparently, to achieve, somehow, a unity and harmony that has not, so far, char- acterized the intercourse of its members. It is not easy to exaggerate the changes that our full participation in world af- fairs will bring to us. The situation may become clearer, in general, if we picture in our imaginations the early years of the country boy come to town. For in J our national isolation and lack of inter- § course, or very incidental intercourse with other countries, our national life has been similar to the life of the country boy on the farm. And it may also be suggested, in the spirit of sympathetic interpretation, that our dealings with § other nations, both our official and our § unofficial dealings, have a likeness, by no means strained, to the dealings of f countrymen with the dwellers in cities, who at times and for brief periods visit them. But what I especially wish to call to attention, by this simple figure, is the ff active brain, the changing habits, the ff heightened speed, and the difficult char- J acter adjustments of the country boy come to town. Similar changes will in- evitably come to an isolated and provin- cial nation that comes to take its full part in the affairs of the greater world. Nor need we deny ourselves: a satisfy- ing faith in the sturdy and wholesome contributions that our country will bring to others, more sophisticated it may be, but probably, for that very reason, for- getful of many of the simpler and more wholesome habits and faiths, Let us review some of the larger fields in which reorganization and change will come, and in deciding what fields these will be, let us remember that the new era will begin with a reappraisement of social values; that it will be chiefly con- cerned with raising the great question, 50 THE AMERICAN TEACHER 51 How well and how far do these and those great human institutions, as modi- fied by the wonderful nineteenth cen- tury, contribute to the deeper welfare of men and women? For surely, institu- tions are made for men, not men for the greater glory or perfection of institu- tions. Every newspaper reader knows that we are quickly changing from a debtor to a creditor nation, and every informed business man knows that credit is the precursor of trade. Let us also remem- ber that ordinary business thruout Europe is disorganized, warped from its peaceful aims and configuration, adjust- ed to the stern needs of war. Our busi- nesses, whether we will it and whether they will it or not, must do much in the future to supply the needs of Europe, and to feed the markets Europe fed be- fore the war. And from this coming into contact of our business men from high- est to lowest with the business men of other nations, we shall, of necessity, learn many things and unlearn many others. Among the causes of the war and of the spirit and methods in accordance with which it has been conducted, prominent mention is made of education. And it is undoubtedly true that, in these days of all but universal education, the type of training given in the schools, from the kindergarten thru the university, has more to do than any other factor, save only racial bent, in moulding the meth- ods and ideals of peoples. This great fact is sure to be increasingly appreci- ated during the period of revaluation to which I have referred. And as we come into more intimate intercourse with the other nations of the world, we shall learn, far better than we now know, that their educational systems are in many instances and respects different from ours. And learning this, we, being an alert-minded and practical people, shall take from them of their best, as our judgment assesses it, and work that best into our own educational scheme. The young men and women of to-morrow, those in school to-day, who will have an opportunity to take part in improving our educational system, may well even now thrill with anticipation, and grow proud with the hope that they may render some really valuable services in this most sig- nificant cause. Governmental systems differ in struc- ture and in spirit among the nations. With more intimate intercourse we shall come to note this, not vaguely and in general, but with definite particularity. And we shall know better the peculiari- ties of our own governmental system, for instance, that we rely on checks and bal- ances and on the complication of official machinery, far beyond the thoughts or practices of any other civilized people, and shall begin in a more open-minded way than we have in the past, to ask our- selves whether we cannot learn some- thing from the experience of others, dif- ficult as it is for man or nation to do this. And it may even be that some rudi- ments of international government will come into being, as one of the good fruits, one of the great profits, to bal- ance against the unsurpassed disaster of body and of spirit that the war has brought. We cannot but think that our country will play a great role in any in- ternational governmental arrangement that may be set up, for our people is a powerful people, in numbers, in terri- tory and in brains. Our country is the greatest nation that remains neutral, thanks to the wisdom, the vision and the firmness of our President. And if any nation is to play, in some measure, the role of umpire among those whose views have, perforce, grown increasingly one- sided during the conflict, it would seem that this role must fall to the United States. Nor can we forget the heroic and help- ful part that women have played during the days of distress in Europe, showing themselves capable as neither they nor their brothers had ever thought them to be, in work of many kinds, and meas- uring up in sacrifice to the best traditions of their mothers. Remembering these facts and all that they import, we can- not doubt that the confused and at times 52 THE AMERICAN TEACHER unreasonable, but very real demand on the part of women that they should have a more significant part in the affairs of the world, will come up for the most seri- ous consideration, and that the answer found will bring about changes in the status of women and of the family, and therefore changes in the social structure of the race, of the deepest meaning and, we must hope, of the highest augury. Finally, for these thoughts must be brought to a close, the great body of re- ligious minded people are sure to inquire into the role the church has played in the preparations for and the conduct of the war. Have the churches done all that they could? Could they, with more earnestness, intelligence and consecration, have prevented the war? Or, in default of that, could they have instilled prin- ciples which would have made its con- duct more creditable to men guided by a spark of the divine? Should not the church of the future be a stronger, a more unified, a more intelligent and a more unselfish factor in the affairs of men? If the religious leaders of to-mor- row help in solving these problems, if they solve them wisely, they will serve their fellows greatly. And so, in all the larger fields of hu- man interest, we see that a period of op- portunity is about dawning; of oppor- tunity so vast and so humanly appealing, that it may well stir the hearts, the minds and the imaginations of the young. For it addresses itself to them rather than to those who, before many years, will pass from the scene. And the opportunities that offer themselves so richly to the | young, offer themselves with especial per- tinence to the youth who will have the great advantage of a complete education, insofar as the schools can give education. They will offer themselves especially to college youth. For to say that there are opportunities is to say that there are problems to be solved; and to say that | these problems are unprecedented in | magnitude and in human significance, is to say that they specially challenge those who have been taught to see the world | broadly, deeply and in its complications, | have learned to preserve their intellectual poise in the face of such complexities, have been taught to discriminate between the essential and the unessential, to make evaluations on a large scale, and to con- struct sane and thorogoing plans for dealing wisely with affairs of size and moment. In short, whatever else a col- lege sets out to do, its central duty is to train problem-solvers on a large scale. And while it fails in this more often than we like to admit, it is yet true that it f fails in fewer instances and in smaller measure than any other human agency that has so far been devised to supply ff this great human need. And so I should § say, in conclusion, to able, energetic and fj ambitious youth, who would serve their f day and time and help their fellows gen- erously and well, Your best chance of fulfilling your ambition will be found if you take a college course, and bring tof its work and its life the best that is in you. PHILOSOPHY AND THE PLAY-A-DAY WORLD H. A. OVERSTREET College of the City of New York THE EDITOR asks me to write about philosophy and the work-a-day world. 1 have just been to see one of Broadway’s “triangular” plays ; and I confess I would much rather write about philosophy and the play-a-day world. For if ever a man needed philosophy to sustain him in dark moments, it was while I sat thru the two hours and a half of maudlin pathos that has the impertinence to call itself a drama of American life. Ah, but I for- get: the audience, between intervals of § “— FM O65 65 wee a eee oe nian a be 7 -—- fF SFO FO THE AMERICAN TEACHER rapt attention, clapped enthusiastically ; and at the end (when the perfect noodle- head of a hero and the equally silly hero- ine worked themselves up to the sacchar- ine embrace that must properly close every “satisfactory” play), gulping down happy tears, the audience almost cheered. What is it, I ask myself. As cheap a performance as ever an honest soul could wish to avoid, and yet drawing crowded houses week after week! When I saw “The Weavers,” the house was half empty! I am coming to believe that we teach too little the philosophy of the play-a-day world. Or is there a philosophy of the play-a-day world? Or, better, what is philosophy anyhow that it can concern itself either with the work-a-day or the play-a-day world? What distresses me is the absence of fundamental discernment in such an audience as sat at this play; the absence, apparently, of any sense of true and es- sential values. I am not an intellectual snob, I hope. Yet when I see people laughing at things that to me are simply gross and unmannerly; when I see them gulping sentimental tears at situations that are artificial and cheap, I wonder at the difference between us. Is the dif- ference, I ask myself, simply one of taste? Some people love plush sofas with sunflower patterns. I detest them. Is it not the same perhaps with plays? If the difference is, in fact, simply one of taste, then de gustibus non disputandum. I throw up my hands and say nothing. But if it is more; if there are really standards, authentic values, truths of situation and action; if there is such a thing as genuine emotion and genuine human relationship, then as a philosopher I ask myself how these true standards, this essential genuineness are to be found. Has philoosphy anything to do with put- ting people in the way of getting true standards in their play-a-day world? I shall answer my question summarily. The trouble with that audience, I believe, was that they had no decent philosophy of life. They were an audience with simply a hodge-podge of experience and 53 emotion. They were not thinking, not judging, not valuing. They were simply allowing themselves to be slathered with conventional witticisms and brainless naughtinesses. To have a philosophy is to have a point of view that goes to the bottom of things, that questions, evaluates, that re- fuses to be put off with mere sound and fury. I have sometimes wondered what all the teaching of philosophy is for any- how. I have come pretty much to the conclusion that it is just for that—to make people rebels; to make them re- fuse to accept without question what is handed out to them; to make them hold the pistol of inquiry at everything that comes along and cry, “Hands up!” The pity of American life is that so few of us are willing to cast our lot for the high adventure of criticism. We plod along quietly and comfortably, growing fat as we put on years, and, at intervals, shaking our sides with grateful cachina- tion at the inane foolery that is doled out to us. We have no zest for ideas; no grip on big truths; we are too lazy or too tired to dig into the authentic under- ground of life. Philosophy—why philosophy is for the adventurer, for the soul unafraid; for the spirit ever on the search for the big- ger and yet bigger truth. I wonder how many in that audience had ever had even the first thrill of that great adventuring. I write with some warmth of feeling, because I believe most fervently that the reason why our American life is dull and undramatic and all too utterly drab is that there is little in it of the spirit of philosophy, little of the spirit of venture- some search, little of the willingness to go forth and find the greater and the more commanding truths. To see an ordinary New York audi- ence should be an inspiration to a teacher. It should fill him with a sense of what life ought not to be. It should give him new stimulus to get into the play-a-day and the work-a-day lives of his students something of the more genuine, the more truly human. I am not one who believes that all philosophy emanates from the 54 THE AMERICAN TEACHER professor’s chair. Very often the title of the chair he occupies is about all the philosophy there is in him. Philosophy is simply a grip on life-values; and it exists wherever there are minds a bit more serious, a bit more courageous, a bit more dead honest with themselves and the world than is true of the ordinary run of minds. Were there more of that type of mind in our schools and in our homes there would be smaller audiences at many a “Broadway success.” SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL CONSCIENCE Howarp B. WooLsTon College of the City of New York EVER SINCE the European War began we have heard much of “culture.” The term apparently signifies the achievement of a nation as reflected in the thought of its people. Borrowed elements may be included, but a distinctive tone is given by the social institutions that mould na- tional life, just as the expression of thought is refracted by the forms of language. At least the Germans oppose the “Slavic peril” and attack “English commercialism” as vigorously as the Al- lies protest against “Teuton aggressive- ness” and assail “Prussian autocracy.” The old idea of a cultivated man as one who memorizes classic poetry and appreciates ancient sculpture, seems to have given place to that of the useful citizen who is in touch with the vital movements of his day. Culture means broad enlightenment rather than polite learning; human sympathy rather than fastidiousness; codperation rather than exclusiveness. Our notion of the scholar and gentleman is realized by one who un- derstands the life about him and who plays his part in its upbuilding. But how shall an individual or a people come to this understanding of life’s privi- leges and responsibilities? Surely not by pure speculation, nor even by reading biography and history! The only way to understand a situation is to study the conditions that exist therein. The only method of finding what is to be done is to analyze the forces at play. Now the study of social conditions and the analysis of social forces is commonly called sociology. Other social sciences consider certain interests and limit their | observations to one kind of institution, as, economics specializes in the field of busi- ness enterprize or as politics focuses its attention upon the state and its govern- ment. But men are creatures affected by other than economic motives or political ambitions. They are also members of families, clubs, schools, churches and a host of other organizations. It is the function of sociology to show how all these associations interplay and what is their normal relation. Only by consid- ering his function in all of these does an individual arrive at an intelligent notion of the part he has to play in his com- munity. So in the case of nations, their place in history is to be determined not by ff any limited or insular conception of prowess, wealth or learning; but by the scale upon which all these elements are fostered by its institutions and combined in the lives of its people. Is it to be as- sumed, then, that a whole people can gain a clear conception of collective des- tiny unless the social conscience is en- lightened by some worthy ideal held up for successive generations to strive toward and complete? Only by teaching the people in school and out the essen- tial elements of sound social economy will their collective efforts be directed toward attaining in home and shop and commonwealth a just and equitable gov- ernment. Then we may hope to see at- tained the realization of a true democra- cy, enlightened, united, aspiring. Such evidently was the thought of Confucius THE AMERICAN TEACHER 55 in the following passage : “The ancients who wished to illustrate illustrious virtue thruout the empire, first ordered well their own states. Wishing to order well their own states, they first regulated their families. Wishing to regulate their families, they first culti- vated their persons. Wishing to culti- vate their persons, they first rectified their hearts. Wishing to rectify their hearts, they first sought to be sincere in their thoughts. Wishing to be sincere in their thoughts, they first extended to the utmost their knowledge. Such exten- sion of knowledge lay in the investigation of things."—The Great Learning, V. 4. This quotation under its strange ori- ental guise contains one of the most suc- cinct statements of a program of social education known to the writer. Its mes- sage is peculiarly significant for America at this time of reckoning our course. If we as a people are to direct intelligently our collective actions, then it behooves us, in the words of the wise old states- man of China, to investigate the things that pertain to the life and welfare of the nation. THE CRISIS THE FORCES of control in the City of New York in affairs educational have reached what for them is a critical stage in the development of their long exist- ing era of domination. Whether the control has been exerted by the Board of Estimate, the Board of Education, the superintendents, the principals, or even by the managers of the teachers’ or- ganizations themselves, the crisis in their supremacy is at hand. The union meeting held by the Teach- ers’ League of New York City at the Washington Irving High School on Fri- day evening, March 10, was attended by over One thousand teachers. Never be- fore have so many teachers been brought together in a radical educational move- ment in New York. For weeks before the meeting the public expressed its curi- osity as to the causes of the proposal to form a teachers’ union, and the news- papers were very active in seeking in- terviews with officers of the Teachers’ League, and almost as active in inter- viewing those among the teachers who happened to be opposed to the move- ment. Altho it is true that the fashion of unions formed by teachers in other cities had something to do with the sentiment in favor of a union in New York, still there have developed conditions in New York which afforded the stimulus for bringing to the union sentiment that vi- tality and “punch” which fashion could never give. Chief among these condi- tions is the attitude of the Board of Esti- mate of the City in the matter of its at- tempt to gain control of the Department of Education, and thereby to determine the salary schedule of the teachers and incidentally the tenure of office. This attempt has been so definite and specific that the Controller stated in a Legisla- tive hearing that he intended to reduce the salaries of the teachers if certain “home rule” bills passed. The bills did not pass, owing to a superhuman effort of the teachers aided by friendly mem- bers of the Legislature. But the Board of Estimate has discovered an equally effective way of managing the Depart- ment of Education by hindering the op- eration of its functions. This of course is not a socially enlightened way of con- trolling, but it produces results. And the results have been to hold up the con- struction and the repair of buildings, and the appointment and the promotion of teachers, until general dissatisfaction is prevalent thruout the educational sys- tem. Long before the Board of Estimate be- gan its non-social campaign of harassing without helping the Department of Edu- 56 THE AMERICAN TEACHER cation the system had had its multitud- inous troubles with its supervising staff. This staff, conceived and organized upon military lines, lit es up to military ideals of obedience and subordination. Quite naturally, those in commaid found subordinates who fitted into the existing ideals well enough to make them effec- tive agents of autocracy, no less tyran- mical than their own superiors. And also quite naturally the superiors, new and old, tried out their cat o’ nine tails, their wheels, and their racks and screws upon the “paid subordinates” beneath them. Most of the paid subordinates yielded softly and submissively to the punishment whether it was merited or not, or whether there was any question of merit at all or not, and those who did not yield were given a form of ceaseless punishment by being placed upon an in- tangible black list. In time there developed out of this in- quisition a considerable body of “mal- contents,” “soreheads,” etc., called so by the besses and their hangers-on who wished to punish still further those who would not or could not conform to a sys- tem which they believed to be ineffective or even dishonest. Evidently there were many of these malcontents present at the union meeting, for an influential mem- ber of the Board of Education who was present himself remarked that he saw everywhere thru the audience teachers who he knew had grievances. He ap- peared to be impressed unfavorably with the great number of them. It was in- deed an impressive fact, but the signifi- cance of it was mot revealed to the Board member. If the member could have sensed the importance of the fact that many mal- contents receive thru their individual grievances the effective stimulus to real thinking, he might have understood that to them the union meant a means of over- turning an unjust and non-social system of education. He might have under- stood that the natural support for a revolution in education would come from the working class, which has always de- manded better schooling for children and better working conditions for adults. He would have understood that the only basis upon which a body of workers can ever develop self-respect among its mem- bers, and ideals and standards of work and professionalism, is the basis of op- portunity to develop the ideals for itself. He couldn’t understand it all, because he is part of a system which hands down ready-made ideals to its subordinates. Fighting to the last, realizing that the crisis has arrived, the minions of the autocratic system have stooped to the childish expedient of interfering with the mail of teachers who have been re- ceiving union circulars. Also they (the principal-minions ) have refused to teach- ers the privilege of distributing union circulars upon the ground that they do not approve of unions. The privileges of having meetings to discuss unionism and of circulating petitions are refused. Scores of incidents of this kind have come to the knowledge of the officers of the union. Thus, the fuel out of which conflagrations are made is being unwit- tingly fetched by those who would burn themselves at the stake. RECOGNITION OF THE UNION! IN THE BILL for a new pension system for the teachers of New York City, pre- pared in cooperation with city officials, there is a provision for an actuary on the pension board. The actuary is to be “approved by, or be a member of, the Actuarial Society of America.” Three cheers for the officials who are intelligent enough to recognize the place of a pro- fessional or trade gild in modern so- ciety ! Our poet seems to think that our principals and superintendents do not inspire us sufficiently. If he is right, where shall we seek inspiration? The Ameriran Cearher Ed. ei, for D Published monthly, except July and August, by THE AMERICAN TEACHER COMPANY, INC., 129 Lafayette Street, New York. ALEXANDER FICHANDLEBR......President CHARLOTTE E. LEE Vice-President say 5 D. LESTER Treasurer Democracy in Education ; Edited by HENRY R. LINVILLE Editor-in-Chief BENJAMIN C. GRUENBERG Managing Editor Julia H. Doyle Gabriel R. Mason Benjamin Glassberg J. Edward Mayman JEANETTE G. GLASSBERG Business Manager SAM SCHMALHAUSEN Circulation Manager At the time of expiration, a bill will be found in the copy. Subscribers are = — 2 to give prompt notice of changes in addres Remittances should be made in postal money- order, express order, draft, stamps or check (New York exchange). CENTS FOR THE 60 CENTS. SUBSCRIPTION PRICE, 50 serene flbateemmnanted Entered as _geeené- class matter, Jeboowe 21, 1912, at the Post co * New York, > oe ander the Act of March 3, 1879. No. 4 ‘This paper is striving to do its part in the creation of a real profession of teaching, the members of which shall be self-respecting and respected, thru stimulating clear thinking on the work and the social position of teachers, and thru intelligent criticism of systems of educational administration. No greater service than this could be rendered to the children of the state. THE CITY AND THE COLLEGE THE DEVELOPMENT of municipal col- leges and universities in recent years is but an extension of the principles of the land-grant colleges of two generations ago. The establishment of these schools marks stages in democracy’s develop- ment of a social consciousness. From a vague feeling that education is somehow 57 necessary for the culture and dignity of the superior classes, we are moving toward the definite conviction that edu- cation is necessary for increasing the ef- fectiveness of all those kinds of work in which the people are vitally concerned. So long as education is for culture, we let those get it who can afford it; but the moment we begin to think of education in terms of what concerns all of us, the public must take it in hand. At the same time, the beginnings of public edu- tation, whether in the elementary grades or in the college and university grades, take on a curious resemblance to the tra- ditional education of the leisure classes. With further experience and with the clearing of thought the state and munici- pal colleges have gradually found them- selves. We no longer think of these in- stitutions as offering to all and sundry the “advantages” of higher education for the taking. We think of them more and more as the public agency for training specialized public servants. The private institution may continue to point to the brilliant successes of its graduates; and it need make no distinction between those who succeed in exploiting their fellows and those who succeed in rendering dis- tinguished service. But the college of the people does not point with pride as a means of advertisement; it looks to its effective alumni as the sole justification for its existence. Whatever advantage the graduate of the city’s college may gain from his higher education, he must not be permit- ted to carry away the notion that the “free” college gives him something for nothing; nor the notion that the institu- tion exists for his special benefit. These notions are too much like those of the confused and uncomfortable “taxpayer.” Whatever the advantages to the indi- vidual, the function of the college is con- cerned primarily with better citizens and better servants. If the training given is indeed a privilege, it must be accepted as a preparation for the privilege of serving. This does not mean that graduates of public colleges are to find their occupa- 58 THE AMERICAN TEACHER tions in the immediate service of the city or the state. It means that whatever trades or professions these graduates may follow are to be imbued with the spirit of public service. We prepare bet- ter lawyers and better machinists, better teachers and better farmers, better den- tists and better clothiers—not that se- lected girls and boys may be given ad- vantages over their fellow citizens, but that their fellow citizens may be better housed and better clothed, better fed and better cared for in health and in justice. It is very important that this view be made perfectly clear to the taxpayers, to the students, to their parents—and to their instructors. TEACHERS AND BOSSES THE MAN or woman working in a shop is responsible to the foreman, and eventually to the employer. Those in immediate authority have the power of discharge, and, however arbitrarily this power may be exercised, the victim has no redress. No redress, that is, unless he happens to be a member of a well organized trade or craft union. What- ever else the unions of workers may or may not have accomplished, they have in many cases established the principle that discharge shall be for cause com- monly recognized to be fair. The man or woman working for the public is responsible to the foreman or supervisor, but eventually to the public. This makes an important difference, since the right of discharge, while vested in officials must ultimately represent the public sentiment on what is fair in such matters, whether the workers are or- ganized or not. As a matter of fact there have grown up many regulations gov- erning the tenure and discharge of pub- lic employes, including school teachers, calculated to prevent unfair discrimina- tion or the abuse of power on the part of appointing officials. Yet it is well known that employes are frequently treated with injustice, and that for all practical purposes the machinery for se- curing justice often fails to perform its functions. The reason for this failure lies largely in two circumstances connected with the public service. One is that administra- tion is too largely in the hands of peo- ple trained in the commercial school of treating human beings as mere con- veniences in the process of extracting profit from industry. The other is that civil employes, including teachers, are conscious of the futility of individual protest, and lacking organization and being inarticulate, permit injustices to become customary. As part of our function as teachers, we must take up the burden of educating first ourselves and then the rest of the public on these fundamental matters. First, the commissioners and superinten- dents and principals and supervisors, and so on, are not our employers or bosses. They are, with us, the trustees of the public in carrying forward certain pub- lic enterprises. Second, as trustees of the public we ourselves must use every legitimate means to establish conditions favorable to carrying on the work we have undertaken. This includes the for- mation of organizations designed to maintain and to elevate the standards of service. This includes no less the for- mation of organizations designed to maintain the freedom of the service from the debasement and demoralization re- sulting from the introduction of “polli- tics” and other indirect methods of in- fluencing thought and the expression of thought. Teachers must be free to do their best work, quite as much for the welfare of the children as for their own comfort. They must be free to devote themselves to their work without need to worry about “prospective legislation” or “changes in administration” or about of- ficious and obstructive supervision. This does not mean that they must be secure in their positions without regard to the efficiency of their service. It means that their tenure and their advancement must be completely detached from all consid- erations of political or personal prefer- ences—or antagonisms; that their tenure and income shall be completely detached from all considerations of administrative expediency. THE AMERICAN TEACHER 59 This necessary freedom has been in part attained thru the standardization of methods for selecting, appointing and promoting teachers. It cannot be at- tained in sufficient measure to meet the needs of the public for high and devoted service until the teachers are organized to assert themselves openly and frankly, and to take over their responsibilities in the management of the public schools. COMPLAINT AND REPLY REPETITION COMES perilously near to truth—for the earnest-minded, es- pecially when they feel aggrieved. The charge has been repeated that our Magazine is partial to high school teachers, indifferent to elementary school confreres. We shall not flatly deny a seemingly true indictment. However, in honor of Truth, we must reply that the charge is one-sided, half false. That high school teachers are the stead- iest supporters of our Journal is of course true. That a conspiracy to debar Elementary School Teacher is responsible for the situation is most untrue. The simple fact is this: for reasons per- fectly well known to all our readers, the elementary schools are less ag- gressive than the secondary schools. The latter have more courageous, more outspoken teachers. What more natural than to find the more outspoken teachers contributing most abundantly to our magazine? Our Editorial Staff is a co-operative Board. You may come to any of our meetings. We have enough work to plan and to execute for all interested teachers. Nothing would so delight us as a vigor- ous amalgamation of all grades of teachers. Distinctions are not only odious ; they are positively dishonest. “The American Teacher” renews its loyalty to the hard-pressed teachers. We never forget your interests. WHAT WE NEED More and more it becomes evident that the great need among teachers is not so much a keen sense of their own wrongs as it is a wider social vision, the discernment of the common cause underlying the antagonisms which characterize the life of today. Is it not time that the teachers got outside of themselves into the common life of humanity? We have opportunities for information and means for clearness of thought far in excess of those of the average citizen. Merely as a profes- sion, ours is more than usually free from the sordid pressure which so sorely besets most others. In a very real sense we are, if we will be, the keepers of the light. The public has a right to look to us for a disinterested- ness of action which can hardly be ex- pected of any other occupation. In a democracy government is not a pro- fession, but its executors are drawn from the ranks of the citizens. By virtue of training, education, and leisure the mantle of leadership log- ically belongs to us. Have we among us enough vision and personality to wear it? We must have a realization of what kind of leadership is needed. There is a superfluity of leaders who are such because of the force with which they can denounce things as they are, but a dearth of leaders who see, and can make others see, that the underlying evil in present conditions is the fact that one may legally obtain possession of wealth for which he does not pro- duce any equivalent, thereby robbing the man who did produce it. We make a great fuss over the illegal pro- cedures of combinations of capital, but we are robbed a hundredfold more ex- tensively by their perfectly legal pro- cedures. Until our leaders definitely recognize this underlying source of pollution of our economic life their ef- forts will be at cross purposes. Ef- fects are not isolated events, to be dealt with by repression at each point of 60 THE AMERICAN TEACHER eruption, but by purifying the source of the stream.—Bulletin of Federation of Men Teachers, Chicago. DYNAMIC TRUTH “Perhaps the most menacing of all American institutions is the perfected or- ganization which enables the few to live at the expense of the many. In three centuries, the United $tates, in company with Western civilization, has produced or at least tolerated a system which auto- matically takes from the values created in the industrial process, a certain pro- portion, and places it in the hands of any person or any association which at that particular time happens to hold the key which unlocks the Golden Flood— the key of property ownership. This in- come is not paid as a reward for virtue; people who receive it are vicious. It is not paid in return for meritorious, social service; some of those who receive it are notoriously anti-social in all of their dealings. It is not paid for abstinence; many of the recipients of property in- come never knew what it was to abstain. It is not paid for saving; there are people with vast incomes, who during their en- tire lives have never done anything ex- cept spend. It is not paid for productive effort; children, disabled persons, idlers and wastrels are among its recipients. There is one thing and one thing only for which property income is paid, and that is the ownership of a piece of property which is so scarce and so desired by an- other that he is willing to give a return for the privilege of using it. Today the ownership of property gives to the owner a royalty privilege. He may always in- vest it and receive five per cent on it. It is virtually a power to tax, exercised by an individual owner of property against the productive activities of the community, and exercised because of the title deeds which the property owner holds.—Scott NEARING in Income. Student of the College of the City of New York: Realize that this the “City College Number” lines you up with im- portant constructive forces in society. THE WORKER’S POINT OF VIEW AT THE ANNUAL convention of the II- linois Federation of Labor, the Commit- tee on Schools reported, in part, as fol- lows: The efforts of the great commercial in- terests to control the educational policy of the country and their vicious attacks upon all who interfere with their plans have be- come a menace to the public school system. The welfare of the workers and their children demands that a close watch be kept upon all legislation concerning schools, upon the acts of Boards of Education, and all educational tendencies and policies. Your committee recommends the appoint- ment of a permanent committee on schools to safeguard the children of the workers, to secure for all students the right to mental freedom in education, and to secure the expression in the educational system of the ideas of organized labor. Schools are practically useless if the teachers are not at liberty to teach the truth. And just now we have some striking ex- amples of the activities of those powerful privileged classes endeavoring to control the expression of the teachers, to frighten teachers into servile submission to their ideas so that these teachers will teach such ideas and fallacious privileged classes want taught. It has taken a tremendous fight by the combined forces of labor and the teachers [i to prevent these privileged interests from establishing a separate system of schools for the poor man’s children. They openly avow that a separate system of schools should be ff established by the State for the purpose of ff teaching trades to children of fourteen years of age and over. This is unfair to children to fix them permanently in some particular trade before they have the development or judgment or § taste to decide upon their life work, and we believe that vocational education should develop gradually and naturally in the pres- sent school system and that it will do so if given the proper financial encouragement and support. Therefore, we must prepare to fight for the rights of childhood by opposing this selfish plan of the factory and corporation interests. principles as these [7 SS Pena @ ehh be oe ae 8 Oe ee ee eee ee. THE AMERICAN TEACHER 61 The best defense of the schools in a free, courageous, intelligent force of teachers or- ganized and affiliated with the labor move- ment of the country and coéperating with the workers for the protection of democratic ideals in education. The committee’s report was unani- mously adopted by the convention. These “laborers” seem to think more of the schools and of the rights and re- sponsibilities of teachers, than do many of the teachers themselves. EFFICIENCY AND DEMOCRACY There is no city in the United States in which the majority of the citizens do not prefer efficiency to inefficiency in municipal government. In none of these cities does a candidate for muni- cipal office ever fail to promise that in the event of his election he will give —among other things—an EFFICI- ENT administration. His opponent promises the same thing and yet no matter who is elected, it is a notorious fact that thus far in American cities efficiency has been most frequently conspicuous by its absence. Critics from foreign lands and critics at home have pointed this fact out to us again and again. In marked contrast to the frequently observed efficiency in most large en- terprises and under some of the more autocratic governments, in our cities eficiency has seemed hitherto unat- tainable. Being so generally regarded as essential, this failure has given some pessimists an excuse for crying that democracy is a failure. Our problem as a people is to con- serve what we have acquired in the way of democracy—and extend it whenever we can—and at the same time develop the technique—the me- chanics of government along effective lines—From Citizen’s Business, Philadelphia Bureau of Municipal Re- search, 16 December, 1915. Get We need your co-operation. another subscriber. WHAT A TEACHERS’ UNION IS NOT FREDERICK MILLER EVERY MOVEMENT directed towards in- creasing the wellbeing of an oppressed group thru union, has always been sure to receive the open and covert attacks of the organs of intrenched privilege—the press. The attempt to form a Teachers’ Union is no exception to this rule. Play- ing upon the feeling to which teachers have so long clung, namely, that they are not workers, and therefore can have no interests in common with workers, some of the papers have already begun to hold up the idea of a Teachers’ Union first to ridicule and then to scorn. That meth- od they hope will bring the virus of that almost dormant feeling to the surface. To make assurance doubly sure, they go on to picture the horrors of a teachers’ strike. They point out the possibility of the moulders of the rising generations going out on strike in sympathy with the Moulders’ Union or the Carpenters Union because of a dispute with their bosses—and thus discredit the plan of affiliating with the American Federation of Labor. Needless to say there is not the slight- est basis for these fears. Organizations affiliating with the American Federation of Labor retain absolute independence in the management of their affairs. They are not required to join in sympathetic strikes. The Chicago Teachers’ Federa- tion in the fourteen years of its affiliation with the Chicago Federation of Labor has not only never been asked to join in any sympathetic strike, but also never even thought of going out on strike itself. The Chicago teachers achieved their suc- cess not by striking—a weapon whicn only the brutality of employers has forced upon workers—but thru the con- structive strength derived from the union of all the members of a group, supported by the union of their fellow workers. Teachers who hesitate about joining a Teachers’ Union for fear of being called out on strike or in sympathetic strikes should dismiss these bogies from their minds. By affiilating with the American 62 THE AMERICAN TEACHER Federation of Labor we enter into no agreement other than to subscribe to a set of principles which were described in the February AMERICAN TEACHER—prin- ciples which every rightminded man or woman accepts without reservation. We gain from such affiliation the support and influence of organized labor in America. Another claim that the papers have set up is that a union would drag the schools into politics; it being understood that politics is sometimes very unclean and that the schools are at present wholly and entirely free from political control. Both the President of the Board of Education and the Mayor no doubt will assure us on this score. One of the great services the Teachers’ Union can render the public in the direction of increasing the efficiency of the schools is to change the role the schools are now playing as the football of politics. It can create an intelligent understanding on the part of the public concerning the needs and purposes of the schools and so insure proper support for city’s most im- portant duty—the education of the chil- dren. And if in addition the Union should give the teachers a practical insight into political affairs, it will merely train for more intelligent citizenship those who are charged with training the youth for that position. ——_——_— OBSTACLES TO EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS In his second monograph on the In- dividual Child versus the Lockstep sys- tem of schooling, Frederic Burk gives the following schedule of the “real diffi- culties in introducing the individual system.” These difficulties would seem to apply to the introduction of every edu- cational advance : I The inertia of the administrative departments of school systems. We schoolmasters have grown up in our system. We are part and parcel of it, as itis of us. “The virtue in most re- quest,” said Emerson, “is conformity. Self-reliance is its aversion. It loves not realities and creators, but names and customs.” Our first and most forcible reaction to any proposal for change is de- fense and argumentative objection to change. We are willing to work our fingers to the bone to make productive the primitive machinery we have, but our natural tendency is to attack any proposal to substitute new machinery. We are not willing to give new pro- posals a hearing, much less a trial. This is all natural, human, and, in the majority of cases, the safe thing. It is a condition with which all reform must justly wrestle and by which | finally be tested. II The teaching body, with a minor- ity of exceptions, is naturally, and more or less justly, fearful that change will mean personal inconvenience. Teachers have experienced the rav- ages of many new nostrums, most of which have come to naught. There is usually justice and sanity in their suspicion. III The public mind is ever ready to condemn an existing system, but is as extremely suspicious of any pro- posal of remedy. The public mind is enthusiastically destructive, but al- ways pessimistic as to reconstruction. The above are natural, and more or less legitimate difficulties in the way of school reform. But there are a number of illegitimate impediments. These are vested personal interests— | (1) officials who are not interested in schools, except for personal advantage, | nothing to them | and it matters whether or not schooling is efficient, provided they are not disturbed; (2) incompetents who do not grasp the facts of existing evils, and feel that such agitation “hurts business”; (3) commercial book publishers whose business would require expensive changes, etc. Every new subscription means added strength to the movement for democ- racy. S®=a nvOws wn nT wow wT we FF THE AMERICAN TEACHER 63 PENNSYLVANIA’S NEW LAW ON THE FIRST of the year Pennsylva- nia’s new Child Labor and Continuation School law went into effect. This is at present the most advanced law we have on the subject, in that it provides eight hours per week of continuation school attendance for all children under sixteen who have left school to go to work. The special provisions of the law are summarized as follows: It limits the hours of labor of cer- tain minors so that their physical well- being may be safe-guarded. It prohibits the working of minors at occupations which would be harm- ful to their moral or physical being. It provides an effective system of issuing employment certificates. It establishes continuation schools for children between the ages of four- teen and sixteen years, so that they may receive a type of instruction that will increase their efficiency as workers and their intelligence as citizens. It prevents the employment of those minors who are not physically fit to work, and of all minors who are under twelve years of age. This law goes farther than the Wis- consin law in requiring eight hours per week of schooling, as against five; but it permits the same number of work hours in addition to the schooling— forty-three. This makes the Pennsylva- nia child’s week a longer one. The Wisconsin law contemplates the exten- sion of the continuation schooling to minors up to the age of seventeen. The issuing of certificates to employers, and the holding of employers responsible for the enforcement of the law is also a de- cided gain. Altho by no means perfect, the new law will be welcomed as a dis- tinct contribution to the working out of the present difficulties in the field of adolescent education. It is not enough to teach the “truth as we understand it.” We must teach the love of truth, we must inspire the children to set out upon the magnifi- cent adventure in search of truth. PERFECT PATRIOTISM “The American Teacher” IS growing in circulation. But our progress is feeble compared with our Possibili- ties. A few loyal enthusiasts, no matter how able, cannot perform Miracles. We must invoke the untiring aid of a whole host of Friends. If one alert teacher in each of our Elementary, High, and Training Schools volunteered to act as our Agent, we could conjointly accom- plish Great Things. A little courage, a little enthusiasm, a little good fellowship—these three guarantee achievement. We are on the eve of stirring doings. Every Agent enlisted in our behalf is rendering a service to Public Wel- fare. Every Agent who sells “The Ameri- can Teacher” to his more isolated fellows is promoting Socialization in Education. If you feel the call to Social Service, kindly indicate your willingness to help us by sending your name to the Circulation Manager. All sexes welcome. FOR PARASITES ONLY We beg to assure the misguided Elite of our Profession that they are violently mistaken if they believe THE AMERICAN TEACHER to be an appendage of Organized Charity. To be kind is human. To be generous is divine. To be too kind or too generous is neither human nor divine: it is only silly. Silliness is the he in the heart of life created by irresponsi- ity. To those numerous persons who read our Journal without paying for the privilege, we would say: Cease to exploit our humaneness. Cease to deride our magnanimity. Cease to outrage our generosity. Oh beloved Parasites, Art is Long and Life is Short and Cash is Scarce Be decent. Pay as you enter. “The Joy Ride is worth the price. Have you renewed your subscrip- tion? If not, DO IT NOW! INSPIRATION Inspiration is the ecstasy of sheer Sincerity. Sheer sincerity is the cumulative intensity of a Passionate Purpose. A passionate purpose is a faith chastened by Wisdom. Wisdom is deep experience dignified by human Service. Human service is the yearning for earthly Joy. All great inspiration is the confluence of Sincerity, Purpose, Wisdom, Service, and Joy. And we teachers? What do we know of life’s inspirations? Routineers we, imitators and emulators, drudges all. No brilliant vision illuminates our low horizons. No world-shaking dream haunts our songless minds. The revelations of philosophy, the clean ecstasy of poetry, The unattainable grandeur of sheer aspiring, The challenging beauty of thought, All the singing godliness of our common humanity, —What magic quickenings do they bring to us? Depressed by the weight of routine, we sink to the level of machines. Sapped and strained by friction’s discontent, we frivol away life’s sacred hours. We are dead; Call us dead wood, cal] us deadheads; it matters not. We vegetate and slowly decay and know it not! We are the dead that never awaken, for we lack INSPIRATION. GOD! And Europe is bleeding to death!