American Geacher Democracy in Education; Education for Democracy. Vou. IV No. 7 Is the Course of Study a Sacred Docu- ment of the Ages? If so, do we become slaves by following it ? Or insubordinates by questioning it? Is the Course of Study a Proclamation of Superior Minds? Or may it be the Best Expression of All Minds? Is the Course of Study a Measuring Rod to gauge the fitness of Teachers ? Or is it a Procrustean Bed to which all Pupils shall be Adjusted? Is the Course of Study ever a Vitalized Writ of the Throbbing Needs and Deeds of Man Today, and of his Ideals for Tomorrow ? | If it is not, What stands in the Way? TEACHERS AND POLITICS BENJAMIN C GRUENBERG UNDER PRESSURE from a group of bankers and corporation directors, the Governor of one of our “more or less soverein States” called out the militia, to be used for purposes manifestly con- trary to the spirit of the laws. Is that any of your business? In another State, equally soverein, the hoisting machinery of a mine was de- liberately crippled, while the miners were down below. This happened on election day, so that the soverein citizens were deprived of their votes. Is that any of your business? In your own State—wherever you are —the legislature has again and again taken action that violated the interests of the public, under pressure from “lobby- ists” representing private interests. Is that any of your business? Well, what is your business? Is it bossing a roomfull of children a few hours a day, to keep them out of mischief ? Or is it the drilling of three R’s into the more or less receptive heads that are alined before you? Or is it the transmission of some sort of “discipline” to the unruly ones? Or is it to apply an opake layer of veneer or “culturine” to the prospective ladies and gentlemen of the land? What is the teacher’s business, any- how? In all lands and in all times the busi- ness of the teacher has been to preserve and transmit the traditional ideals and aspirations of the people. You may, if you can, better the learning. But you must not omit or yield one essential ele- ment of this spiritual inheritance of the generation under your tutelage. You may add drawing and music; and you may replace ancient history with visits- to-museums-and-industries. But you may not substitute anything for the American traditions. But what are the American traditions? Years ago, before so many of these 98 foreigners came in, there was a vague notion abroad in the world that Amer- ica was the land of freedom and op- portunity. That may simply mean that the oppressed and impoverished of other lands thot of heaven in terms of free- dom and plenty. There is on record however, from the hand of a genuine American—one whose Americanism can- not be questioned, one who speaks au- thoritatively—a statement of what Amer- ica may be supposed to mean. The rights of conscience, the equality of all men before the law, the separation of church and state, religious toleration, free- dom of speech and the press, popular educa- tion, are vital traditions of the American people. They are not brought in question; they form the stock of firm universal con- victions on which our national life is based; they are ingrained into the character of our people and you can assume, in any contro- versy, that an American will admit their truth. But they form the sum of traditions which we obtain as our birthright. We never hear them disputed, and it is only when we observe how difficult it is for some foreign nations to learn them that we per- ceive that they are not implanted by nature in the human mind. They are a part and the most valuable part of our national inher- itance, and the obligation of love, labor and protection which we owe to the mation rests upon the benefits which we receive from it.* It would seem that it is our business not only to preserve and to perpetuate these traditions—the rights of conscience, freedom of speech and of the press, equality of all before the law, religious toleration, popular education—but to pro- tect them against invasion or aggression, and to impart them to the strangers within our gates. This business cannot be intrusted to foreigners—that is, to those who do not cherish these ideals— whether they are born in this country or *W G Sumner, The Challenge of Facts and Other Essays, pp. ~354. S, THE AMERICAN TEACHER 99 abroad. Nor can it be intrusted to those whose tolerance is so broad that it will passively stand by in the presence of ruthless violations of these traditions. From very early times in the history of this country the public school has been an integral part of the official institutions. And from these beginnings the teacher has been as truly a public official as the sheriff or the alderman. Yet we expect the alderman and the sheriff to take an “oath of office” to uphold the law—and then we permit both of them to subordi- nate their official conduct to private in- terests. And at the same time we insist that the teacher take off his hat in the presence of the flag, and tell him that it is none of his business that the sacred principles of our democracy are daily flouted by men of power. What is our business? Is it to intimidate the youngsters with awe-some phrases about the dignity of the law and the duty of obedience? Is it to subordinate the rising genera- tion to the official puppets of merciless exploiters ? Is it to teach submission before the ag- gressions of calculating ravishers of our natural resources, and of our manhood and womanhood? Is it to perpetuate the superstition that the king can do no wrong? Is it to help enthrone “business”—big or little—as the king and ruler of this land? Is it to cultivate anew the bigotries and chauvinisms and “patriotisms” that have converted the peasants and workers of Europe into cannon-fodder? The teacher in this country has the op- portunity to take his place with the offi- cial and the unofficial leaders and mold- ers. And with the opportunity and power goes the responsibility. This responsi- bility, however, is never formally de- manded or acknowledged—for the simple reason that the responsibility is to the children and to the public, and not to the trustees or commissioners. Too often it happens that those who have the power to appoint and remove teachers are themselves either indifferent to the sentimental bosh which we call democ- racy—or Americanism, if you will—or they are decidedly opposed to the cul- tivation of that spirit of freedom and justice which threatens the stability of those various enterprizes for extortion and exploitation commonly concealed be- hind the name “business.” These men will appeal to the “loyalty” of the teacher, they will pretend to represent the public will and the public interest, and they will utilize your devotion and enthusiasm to carry out their atrocious purpose—the purpose, namely, of con- verting the American people into cring- ing and submissive vassals of a most de- grading feudalism. And all the time they will tell you to let politics alone, your place being in the class-room—just as they have been tell- ing the women that their “place is in the home.” They would like to have you teach the children to “mind their own business” and leave politics to their su- periors. This too has been one of our traditions. And if to-day teachers shun politics, the reason is not hard to under- stand. Politics is for the brewer, and the con- tractor, the franchise grabber, the pat- ronage broker, the dealer in canned beef or armor plate, and for gentlemen of leisure.” If you deliberately avoid politi- cal problems it is because at best you are ignorant, or at worst, a coward. But there is one reason for teachers avoid- ing politics, that is somewhat creditable to their sentiments. You feel perhaps that there is a certain anomaly in a ser- vant of the public participating in activi- ties that are to an extent anti-social. Partizanship is repugnant to people of poise and perspective. There is cer- tainly a contradiction in terms in the very name “political party.” Political is what concerns the whole, the body politic; and party has to do with but a part, a spe- cial fraction, a separated group of in- terests. We should like to be political, but we cannot get ourselves to be par- tizans. Here we find what is for many sincere and courageous teachers the real ob- 100 THE AMERICAN TEACHER stacle to active concern in public affairs. We have been unable to identify the con- flicting claims of the partizans with the genuine interests of the public. Politics has too persistently meant partizanship. We have even been forced to suspect and to reject many of the so-called “non- partizan” movements—altho we are too easily beguiled by them—because it has been obvious that a “non-partizan”’ al- liance has simply meant the cohesion of two parties in a joint conflict with a third. Because questions of public policy are thus formulated and fought out in terms of special group interests, we have be- come content to ignore the questions al- together. Nay, many of us have gone farther and have declared explicitly that these questions must be kept out of the schools. Because the Assembly splits along partizan lines on the question of minimum wage, teachers are to have no views on this subject; or having them, must not express them, as do legislators and “public” men. Because the Repub- lican and the Democratic aldermen do not agree on whether, or how, to relieve hungry children whose presence in our class-rooms makes of our work a farce, we, pretending to represent the public, must be silent. But if the work of the teacher is some- thing more than hearing lessons, surely it matters in our business that children are hungry, that children’s teeth are bad, that their eyes need spectacles, that they sleep in ill ventilated rooms, that they are surrounded by physical and moral filth. Surely it is our business that chil- dren are sent to the mills, where all our teaching comes to naught; that they have no homes because their mothers are too long in the factories and shops ; that their most ernest friends have no voice at the polls or before legislatures. But these matters, which are most decidedly our business, are of the very heart of politics. And we withhold our judgment and our voice in these matters because decisions in justice and in the public in- terest would necessarily work injury to those who now profit from existing in- justice. Under the cover of “neutrality” we let the thieves fight unmolested—and we let our wards, the children, and our ultimate employers, the public, suffer the consequences. The tradition of impartiality among teachers is an old and honorable one. It has become strengthened in more re- cent times thru the fact that teaching in public schools has become so largely car- ried on by women. With these teachers, until recently, there has never been a thot of professional public service. The con- ditions of pay and of work have been such as to develop the attitude on the part of the teachers that they are merely hired to carry out specified instructions. Nothing constructive was expected, and no initiative was allowed. At best, “training for citizenship” meant teach- ing the names of a few national heroes, and something about the machinery ot government. Nothing more could be ex- pected of young women trained and sit- uated as were most of the teachers of the passing generation. And nothing more may be expected to-morrow unless women take a larger and more active share in the public life of the community. It is absurd to send our potential “citi- zens” to such teachers for their instruc- tion— and it is suicidal for democracy to be content with such instruction as they may give. It may be seriously questioned whether many of the obvious failures of our present day democracy are not in reality due to the failure of our schools to cher- ish the fundamental American ideals. And we may well ask ourselves whether we have not been used—unwittingly, of course—as pliant tools in the hands of those cunning forces that have done so much to crush the American ideals thru other agencies, in all parts of the coun- try. ie the teacher in America is to be something more than a keeper of records and a master of recitations, it will be thru his contribution to the problem of democratic government—the political problem. It will devolve upon us to take an active part in working out a new ma- =a 6p sce OselCU CO eCk THE AMERICAN TEACHER 101 chinery that will make possible the dis- cussion of public problems, and the dis- covery of the community interest, with- out the intermediation of professional ex- ploiters of greed or prejudice. The school must again become, as it was once supposed to be, the cradle of our liber- ties, and it must become the chief agency in preserving our liberties. The courts, once looked up to as the “palladium,” are thoroly discredited, be- cause they have been the too easy—the too eager—tools of special interests. The newspapers are owned body and soul, and like other commercial proper- ties, are used in the interests of their owners—which do not happen to be iden- tical with the interests of the public. The legislatures and administrators of cities and states will need a revolutionary overhauling before they can even pretend to be public agencies, in the sense that they are working for the public. Churches, too, have betrayed the masses, where they depend upon funds that can be furnished only by those who have spe- cial interests to promote. And the col- leges, from being rich men’s clubs, have become factories for intellectual blinds and blinders. The teachers in the public schools, be- cause they have been so quiet and com- placent in the past, have been largely neglected as possible sources of light and leading. There is therefore still time for those who feel their obligations to the public to use their opportunities and their resources in the interests of the larger public which must become conscious and vocal, if democracy is to be saved. THE MIND SET FREE FRANKLIN J KELLER De Witt Clinton High School, New York NOT LONG SINCE, a boy in one of my classes delivered a three-minute talk on labor conditions. In attempting to por- tray the horror resulting from inequitable distribution of wealth, he said to a group of forty-five typical New York boys, “Your sisters are prostitutes.” Surely a wild, inexcusable, untrue assertion. What should the boys have done under this terrible accusation? What should I have done? Should the boy not have been expelled from school instanter? Well, as a matter of fact the boys thot very well of the speaker, I confined my- self to a sympathetic and smiling analysis of his remarks, and our friend still re- mains an efficient and hard-working student in our school. However, a gentleman who happened to be present objected violently to the boy’s remark, stated that it should not be allowed -in school, and wanted to know whether I hadn’t any “rules” with respect to what pupils might say. As a matter of fact I had no rules—except one, perhaps, and that is an attitude rather than a rule: every boy must be ready for the most biting criticism and he himself must be ready to support his every statement with evidence. But you say, “The boys’ sis- ters were not prostitutes.” Of course not. The boy did not mean that, the class knew he did not mean it, I was positive he did not mean it, and nobody thot he could mean it except our visitor, who was not familiar with the spirit of our discussions. What the speaker did mean was, of course, that even these boys’ sisters, dear to them as they were, might become subjected to such telling economic pressure that they would be laid open to all those environmental con- ditions which make for prostitution. We pointed out that the language had been inaccurate and the generalization cruel, and since the boy is earnest, sincere, en- thusiastic, we are sure that he learned a great and valuable lesson, and this without “rules” such as would hamper 100 THE AMERICAN TEACHER stacle to active concern in public affairs. We have been unable to identify the con- flicting claims of the partizans with the genuine interests of the public. Politics has too persistently meant partizanship. We have even been forced to suspect and to reject many of the so-called “non- partizan” movements—altho we are too easily beguiled by them—because it has been obvious that a “non-partizan” al- liance has simply meant the cohesion of two parties in a joint conflict with a third. Because questions of public policy are thus formulated and fought out in terms of special group interests, we have be- come content to ignore the questions al- together. Nay, many of us have gone farther and have declared explicitly that these questions must be kept out of the schools. Because the Assembly splits along partizan lines on the question of minimum wage, teachers are to have no views on this subject; or having them, must not express them, as do legislators and “public” men. Because the Repub- lican and the Democratic aldermen do not agree on whether, or how, to relieve hungry children whose presence in our class-rooms makes of our work a farce, we, pretending to represent the public, must be silent. But if the work of the teacher is some- thing more than hearing lessons, surely it matters in our business that children are hungry, that children’s teeth are bad, that their eyes need spectacles, that they sleep in ill ventilated rooms, that they are surrounded by physical and moral filth. Surely it is our business that chil- dren are sent to the mills, where all our teaching comes to naught; that they have no homes because their mothers are too long in the factories and shops ; that their most ernest friends have no voice at the polls or before legislatures. But these matters, which are most decidedly our business, are of the very heart of politics. And we withhold our judgment and our voice in these matters because decisions in justice and in the public in- terest would necessarily work injury to those who now profit from existing in- justice. Under the cover of “neutrality” we let the thieves fight unmolested—and we let our wards, the children, and our ultimate employers, the public, suffer the consequences. The tradition of impartiality among teachers is an old and honorable one. It has become strengthened in more re- cent times thru the fact that teaching in public schools has become so largely car- ried on by women. With these teachers, until recently, there has never been a thot of professional public service. The con- ditions of pay and of work have been such as to develop the attitude on the part of the teachers that they are merely hired to carry out specified instructions. Nothing constructive was expected, and no initiative was allowed. At best, “training for citizenship” meant teach- ing the names of a few national heroes, and something about the machinery ot government. Nothing more could be ex- pected of young women trained and sit- uated as were most of the teachers of the passing generation. And nothing more may be expected to-morrow unless women take a larger and more active share in the public life of the community. It is absurd to send our potential “citi- zens” to such teachers for their instruc- tion— and it is suicidal for democracy to be content with such instruction as they may give. It may be seriously questioned whether many of the obvious failures of our present day democracy are not in reality due to the failure of our schools to cher- ish the fundamental American ideals. And we may well ask ourselves whether we have not been used—unwittingly, of course—as pliant tools in the hands of those cunning forces that have done so much to crush the American ideals thru other agencies, in all parts of the coun- try. If the teacher in America is to be something more than a keeper of records and a master of recitations, it will be thru his contribution to the problem of democratic government—the political problem. It will devolve upon us to take an active part in working out a new ma- "7 Oogea ws aim a i a ae) [= Ts 5. f f u 1s »f al Ke THE AMERICAN TEACHER 101 chinery that will make possible the dis- cussion of public problems, and the dis- covery of the community interest, with- out the intermediation of professional ex- ploiters of greed or prejudice. The school must again become, as it was once supposed to be, the cradle of our liber- ties, and it must become the chief agency in preserving our liberties. The courts, once looked up to as the “palladium,” are thoroly discredited, be- cause they have been the too easy—the too eager—tools of special interests. The newspapers are owned body and soul, and like other commercial proper- ties, are used in the interests of their owners—which do not happen to be iden- tical with the interests of the public. The legislatures and administrators of cities and states will need a revolutionary overhauling before they can even pretend to be public agencies, in the sense that they are working for the public. Churches, too, have betrayed the masses, where they depend upon funds that can be furnished only by those who have spe- cial interests to promote. And the col- leges, from being rich men’s clubs, have become factories for intellectual blinds and blinders. The teachers in the public schools, be- cause they have been so quiet and com- placent in the past, have been largely neglected as possible sources of light and leading. There is therefore still time for those who feel their obligations to the public to use their opportunities and their resources in the interests of the larger public which must become conscious and vocal, if democracy is to be saved. THE MIND SET FREE FRANKLIN J KELLER De Witt Clinton High School, New York NOT LONG SINCE, a boy in one of my classes delivered a three-minute talk on labor conditions. In attempting to por- tray the horror resulting from inequitable distribution of wealth, he said to a group of forty-five typical New York boys, “Your sisters are prostitutes.” Surely a wild, inexcusable, untrue assertion. What should the boys have done under this terrible accusation? What should I have done? Should the boy not have been expelled from school instanter? Well, as a matter of fact the boys thot very well of the speaker, I confined my- self to a sympathetic and smiling analysis of his remarks, and our friend still re- mains an efficient and hard-working student in our school. However, a gentleman who happened to be present objected violently to the boy’s remark, stated that it should not be allowed -in school, and wanted to know whether I hadn’t any “rules” with respect to what pupils might say. As a matter of fact I had no rules—except one, perhaps, and that is an attitude rather than a rule: every boy must be ready for the most biting criticism and he himself must be ready to support his every statement with evidence. But you say, “The boys’ sis- ters were mot prostitutes.” Of course not. The boy did not mean that, the class knew he did not mean it, I was positive he did not mean it, and nobody thot he could mean it except our visitor, who was not familiar with the spirit of our discussions. What the speaker did mean was, of course, that even these boys’ sisters, dear to them as they were, might become subjected to such telling economic pressure that they would be laid open to all those environmental con- ditions which make for prostitution. We pointed out that the language had been inaccurate and the generalization cruel, and since the boy is earnest, sincere, en- thusiastic, we are sure that he learned a great and valuable lesson, and this without “rules” such as would hamper 102 the boy’s expression and curb his think- ing. And it came well within the limits of free speech laid down in these pages by Professor Overstreet, for it was in- deed both pro-social and pro-personal. Lately we have heard much of Gary and the school that makes its curriculum vital by letting the pupil do actual car- pentering, plumbing, gardening, esti- mating, and what not. Some have even asserted that the system goes too far and simply prepares the boy to fit himself into the steel works. Be that as it may, it remains certain that there is prepara- tion for actual living conditions. Now, the most patent fact in our normal life is that we talk about things. Dr. John- son dominated the culture of his age because he talked well and without re- serve. Theodore Roosevelt was the dominant figure of the last decade be- cause he talked forcibly and frankly. We are poor talkers and have little in- fluence among our fellowmen either be- cause we have no ideas or because we are afraid to express them. The school must present to the boy such vital ques- tions as will make him think, and must make the conditions of expression such that he may never fear ridicule, con- demnation, or rebuke, except he show insincerity or his motive be anti-social or anti-personal. If such conditions do not prevail the result is obvious: oratory for its own sake, the death of thinking, or—rebellion. The first is specious, the second tragic, the third wholesome, but—avoidable. Give expression scope and it works itself out in constructive effort. We are prone in these days to condemn the school that has no work- shop or foundry or garden, but we for- get that whereas a great many boys will not work with their hands, the social milieu of each will demand of him force- ful, sincere, and sane expression. It is an educational platitude that habit claims ninety-nine per cent of our lives, and this unfortunately holds true of habits of thinking as well as of habits of acting. Not until I began to do post- graduate work did I come into contact with teachers who laid emphasis upon the THE AMERICAN TEACHER inquiring, the “I-want-to-be-shown” type of mind. The result is that I (in com- mon with thousands of others, I am sure) have only in recent years with- drawn my mind from the mold of academic conservatism I can still remem- ber the educational and religious mutter- ings which in my youth disturbed my peace of soul, but which never swelled to the thunderings they ought to have been, because the teacher said this was so or the Bible said thus and thus. The school must foster the habit of breaking away from habit. The pupil must think of life as he finds it. We remember how from our text- books we learned of the great changes in history, the Renaissance, the French Revolution, the industrial awakening, and all that. We are told how Galileo was condemned by the Inquisition, how the Bourbons never learned and never for- got, and how the people resisted the com- ing of railroads. We were made to feel how foolish these conservatives were and how foolish all conservatives have been right up to yesterday, but to-day, lo and behold, it is the radical who must be feared. Our social organization is being made over before our eyes—unions, woman labor, city life—are new factors. Yet, for instance, Bowers, the Rocke- feller subordinate in Colorado, sees in the union “a horde of abject wage-earners intimidated by greedy officials, many of whom are ‘disreputable agitators, social- ists, and anarchists.’” In politics, the people are most certainly supplanting the “boss,” but Mr. Barnes sees fit to sue for libel because he is called a menace. In religion we see real humanitarianism and brotherhood supplanting theological controversy, yet modernists are excom- municated. It is only in art and science, where changes do not intimately and consciously touch our everyday lives, that radical changes may occur (the new staging of the drama, for instance) with- out stirring up our prejudices or draw- ing forth our objurgations. These changes have been brot about by live, thinking men and women, and how could they have been possible had not the spirit [cee = THE AMERICAN TEACHER of change, the ideal of progress, the habit of criticism been theirs? The curse of the lawyer, who studies only what has been done, is precedent. Every thing must be judged in the light of what has been, instead of the light of life as it is. So we must avoid in our teaching the doctrine of stare decisis, for nothing ever does stand decided. Rather must we look to field study, research, and con- ference—conference not of the teachers’ type, but one in which there is real con- ferring, and frank expression. The reply to all this is often, “Well, if the pupil may say anything he wishes, and the teacher is to subordinate his own views, why not have a pupil act as chair- man of the recitation, and dispense with the teacher altogether?” Such a concep- tion of the theory of free speech for pupils misses entirely the point of the whole argument, or else does not assume free speech for the teacher. It is just here that the wonderful opportunity of the teacher makes itself apparent. I be- lieve that the boy should have a whole man for a teacher and not only that part of him that happens to contain a little mathematics, or English, or history, that he should partake of the teacher’s poli- tics, science, sociology, art, yes, even of his religion, but that by no means must the teacher impose these opinions upon the pupils, he must mot use his official position to fix ideas. He must take his chances with the youngest pupil in the class; if he is no wiser than that pupil he will have no more influence than the latter (and ought to have no more) ; if he is a great and forceful personality, he will carry nearly everyone with him. The only answer to the argument that such a state of affairs would mean a loss of dignity and authority on the part of the teacher is first, that if a teacher can not make felt his dignity and authority in any other way, he had better impose them immediately before they disappear utterly ; second, that you must ask your- self who it was in your scholastic or later career you respected and were in- fluenced by. Wasn't it the man who “talked it over with you,” “reasoned it 103 out,” who “let you have your say?” Don’t you remember rather vividly those “lectures” of his in which he rambled away from the subject and talked about life and perhaps told you of some of his personal experiences? Don’t they stay right with you and haven’t they in- fluenced your life? If not, you have not been so fortunate as I—and thou- sands of others. Then don’t you re- member that other teacher who never saw any further than the lesson of the day, who never had an opinion on any- thing else, and who always told you you were right or wrong and suffered no ar- gument? Did you like him? Did he influence your life for the better? If so, well, you must fit the mold so accurately that there is no hope for you in this life. I do not believe that a teacher should only dispense English, or math- ematics, or history, but that he should give all his being to his pupils, that he should command respect and should be an authority not as the policeman is, but as Charles W. Eliot, or Thomas Edison, or John Haynes Holmes is an authority. The students of the Wharton School, of the University of Pennsylvania, right- fully hold that “We are attending Whar- ton School for the purpose of learning as many things as we can. In the world we expect to come into contact with men of every shade of thot. We can see no reason why we should not hear various viewpoints expressed in the Wharton School.” And so if our high schools are to prepare for life, (forgive the phrase) the pupils should come into vital relation with as many personalities as possible. Free speech (and what is this but the outward evidence of the freedom to think? and surely we all want that) re- leases us from the thraldom of habit, it secures to us the supreme joy of think- ing, it is proof against moral stagnation, it gives voice to the fine indignation of the adolescent, it insures a sympathetic attitude between teacher and pupil, but more than all, it tends to break down the great obstacle to modern civilization, the closed mind. SPEAKING OF RATINGS Judging by the discussions that have been held at educational meetings the subject of “Rating of Teachers” is ap- parently a child of doubtful parentage. It obtrudes itself upon polite society everywhere without evoking much sym- pathy or compassion. Everybody dis- owns it. Loudest of all in their dis- claimer have been the teachers. They have absolutely no use for it. They will not tolerate it. No, not even if it washes its face, dresses in Sunday attire, and promises to be good. On the other hand are the superin- tendents, who do not seem to be over fond of this miscreant. Time and again they make desperate attempts to reform it; but so far success has not attended their patient labors. They admit the task is a difficult one. They don’t deny that they bungled the job. But cast aside— Never! What of the principals who are, as it were, between the upper and nether mill- stones—what is their attitude toward the rating of teachers? Many of us have a lurking suspicion that the principal rather likes to wield this unwieldy weapon over the drooping heads of his teachers. Aye, there is some unquestion- able evidence to that effect. Is it true, then, that the principals as a class con- sistently and persistently fight for the re- tention of the power to browbeat their teachers by threats of low or lower ratings? What is the evidence? The evidence is meager, very meager. But what little of it there is, points the other way. Take these quotations in President Churchill’s Report, dated September 1, 1914, pp. 49-50, from letters by princi- pals in answer to his inquiry on this subject : There is too much complexity in the rating system. The numerous forms could be reduced to one containing all the simple data really necessary for determination of fitness and merit, etc. This marking system sets up wrong stand- ards for teachers. It perpetuates childish motives for work. Teachers, principals, and superintendents hold it in contempt. Good teachers’ work gains no power from these ratings. Why require a principal to make invidious distinctions between B, B plus, and A? No news should be good news. No lash of a marking system effects an increase of devotion to the interests and welfare of the community. I do not know what my rating is. No superintendent ever tells me. I regard the mark as a degrading piece of formalism con- trary to the spirit of service. The marking system never made a single poor teacher that I can remember. It only generated a sullen sort of complacency and a personal animosity toward the marker. The administration of the marking system involves a large amount of dishonesty. The principal is apparently required to record facts, the decision being left to a higher authority. But in case after case the super- ior authority on appeal shifts the responsi- bility of his judgment upon the record made by the principal. So many subjective and intangible con- siderations enter in that the whole scheme is a fraud. The strength lies in preventing teachers from knowing definitely what the standing of rating is. There is no standard. There is personal whim, hidden mysterious judgment, dimly outlined requirements. In transfering service to a new principal or superintendent no teacher confidently ex- pects any correspondence between the new ratings and the old. For a device that takes so much time this marking system is a preposterous disap- pointment. The attempt to apply “efficiency” methods to the appraisal of teachers is a failure, as is apparent from the confession that those responsible for the marking system are un- able to define what efficient or inefficient teaching is. The mark is a personal notion based as much on the condition of the ratér as on that of the rated. Etc. etc. etc. Here we have it. Rating of Teachers —a miserable failure. The teachers fear it, the principals hate it, the s i tendents don’t like it. What is going to be done about it? 104 —>—_——"- -— ma HM Fh —_ rs n- to The Amerriran Cearher Democracy in Education; Education fer Democracy Published monthly, except July and August, by THE AMERICAN TEACHER COMPANY, INC., 129 Lafayette Street, New York. MO ob 0046 ce eseseece sod President Louise M. DitHrince............ Treasurer EDITED BY Henry R. Linvitre.......... Editor-in-Chief BenyamMin C. Gruenserc...Managing Editor Jutia H. Doyiz Jay D. Lester BENJAMIN GLASSBERG Gasrizt R. Mason Marx HorrMan J. Epwarp MaymMan...... Business Manager This Magazine will be sent to subscribers until an order to discontinue, with all arrearages, is received. At the time of expiration, a bill will be found in the copy. Remittances should be made in postal money- order, express order, draft, stamps or check (New York exchange). Subscription price, 50 cents for the year. (Foreign, 60 cents) ae Entered at the Post Office of New York as second-class matter. VOL. IV SEPTEMBER, 1915 No, 7 This paper is striving to do its part in the creation of a real profession of teaching, the members of which shall be self-respecting and respected, thru stimulating clear thinking on the work and the social position of teachers, and thru intelligent criticism of systems of educational administration. No greater service than this could be rendered to the children of the state. A NEW DEAL FOR THE CHILDREN A HALF generation or more of discus- sion on the question of revising the course of study in the interest of better education has yielded pitifully meager results. Now and then there is a re- vival of interest in the general situation, followed by the appointment of commit- tees, followed later by conferences, fol- lowed still later by subsidence. And all the while millions of children in America alone follow the beaten path of the cen- turies in the subjects studied, in the em- phasis given to them, and in the general indifference to other subject matter, or to other ways of being educated, that might be made available. It is true there are fundamental ques- tions that must be gone over and settled before the gigantic institution of the course of study can be remodeled to suit the needs of children with us here and now. Some of these fundamentals are involved in the comparatively diminutive experiments of the early Dewey School in Chicago in the work of Mrs Marietta Johnson, and in the more elaborate school system at Gary, Indiana. But even these ventures retain a substantial connection with the ancient institution of the college, in that they prepare students for it. Valuable as their example is as an object lesson in what we ought to be doing, their immediate influence is ex- tremely small. Certain of the fundamental questions have been formulated time and time again, until their phrasing is now recog- nized in numerous educational platitudes. They are, “True education is the prep- aration of children for life,” “The best education is that which develops power,” “The hand and brain must be trained in harmony,” etc. At the same time we are putting forth prodigious efforts toward developing the efficiency of our systems of schools as they are, and to preparing the children for that part of life still under the domination of the colleges. The analysis of the situation has been worked out scores of times, and every- body agrees that “the children should be prepared for life.” But we are not doing it. Why not? In a situation so complex the em- phasis is likely to be laid first on one factor and then another, according to the impression of the moment. Some- times it would seem that the ancient honorable fraternity of place-holders in education are responsible for the educa- tional stagnation, thru their natural in- terest in maintaining the conditions to which their own type of fitness is best 105 106 adapted. Fraternities in general are supposed to be proud of their antiquity. At other times, it is insisted that the book publishers, with such allegiance as they have among the aforesaid fraternity, are discouraging all efforts made in the direction of revolution. A successful textbook is supposed to keep up its sales for at least ten years. The longer it will sell, the less necessity there is for print- ing a new book with expensive plates. A pertinent interpretation of the at- titude of educators and of education (to be less personal) toward change was made several years ago in a series of lectures before Oxford University by Professor E Ray Lankester. In another column we quote a few paragraphs from one of the lectures. He says, in assail- ing the position Oxford still holds in dominating education and intellectual life in England that “It has come to be re- garded as a mark of good breeding, and thus an end in itself, for a man to have some first-hand acquaintance with Latin and Greek authors, even when he knows no other literature. It is a fashion like the wearing of a court dress.” Quite in line with this point is the attitude of well-to-do families in Boston toward the future of their sons. The social station of these families makes it necessary that all their boys be graduates of Harvard College. The degree is their court dress. Undoubtedly there is great power in fashion in determining the course of edu- cation. And yet, the suggestion does not seem to reach quite as far as the situa- tion demands, for fashions change, and the language of the ancients is the lan- guage of “scholars” today. Rather does it seem more appropriate to regard our pursuit of subject matter that has long since ceased to be useful in the light of a rudimentary organ, a structure once necessary but now unnecessary or often troublesome, a sort of vermiform appen- dix on the intellectual life of modern times. ‘However, there are many who are ready to assist in the severance of the THE AMERICAN TEACHER veriform appendix, but they do not know what under the canopy to do next. THe AMERICAN TEACHER believes that a magnificent opportunity lies ready at hand for the teachers to take hold of. Certainly no class of individuals have had the occasion to think over the important question of a useful and suitable course of study that we have had. Let us break our chains, if any are holding us, and turn our experience to good account. Constructive articles and letters are wanted from any who are willing to put their best thots into shape. What are the rudimentary organs, and what read- justments shall we make when they are excised ? SCHOOL AND HEALTH CouNTRY SCHOOLS in Washington State are specializing in warm lunches. The teachers are trained in household arts and the school lunch is used not only to better the physical condition of the pupils, but also to teach domestic science. A new law in Illinois provides for phy- sical training in all grades of the public schools. One in Florida provides medical in- spection of school children, under the supervision of the State board of health. This act does not apply to cities of over 5,000 inhabitants where such inspection has already been established by the city board of health and is continued in ac- cordance with the rules prescribed by the State board of health. An amendment to the school law in New York, relative to vaccination, makes vaccination compulsory for admission to schools only in cities of the first and sec- ond class. Whenever smallpox exists in any other school districts or in the vicinity, the State commissioner of health shall notify the school authorities and it shall be their duty to exclude from their schools every child not furnishing a vac- cination certificate from a duly certified physician. | ee oe A ee it Ls id ly 1e€ y- 1c THE AMERICAN TEACHER 107 A CRITICAL SITUATION From Chicago, the progressive met- ropolis of the great middle west, the United States Commission on Industrial Relations sends out its recommendations among which are: 1. Incorporation among the _ rights guaranteed by the constitution of the unlimited right of individuals to form associations, not for the sake of profit, but for the advancement of their in- dividual and collective interests. 2. Enactment of statutes specifically protecting this right and prohibiting the discharge of any person because of his membership in a labor organization. 3. Enactment of a statute providing that action on the part of an association of individuals not organized for profit shall not be held to be unlawful, where such action would not be unlawful in the case of an individual. ae -S From Chicago, the progressive met- ropolis of the great middle west, the timely warning of its leading educator, Professor Charles H. Judd, Director School of Education, University of Chi- cago, goes forth: I advocate professional organization be- cause I see unworthy, selfish agencies rendering ineffective the work of earnest school officers who labor against con- servatism and political influence and per- sonal predjudice. Let us realize that if we do not or- ganize more compactly for professional ends we shall never gain the advantages which come from united action. If we act as individuals, we are like the single fagots of the fable, easily broken by the naked hand. If we will bind ourselves together we shall be strong. ..-»No profession can be organized from without. It is characteristic of a pro- fession that its highest attributes arise from within....It is an impeachment of American educators that they have not perfected the strongest professional or- ganization in the world....how long will it be before we realize that a profession must be self made, and that the making of a profession means organized effort, and that organized effort is needed every day for the protection of great profes- sional interests. Anticipating the fundamental recom- mendations of the Industrial Commission and the sound advice of Professor Judd, several hundred far-sighted teachers of Chicago formed a Federation which has for its object not only the amelioration of their immediate conditions, but also the improvement of school conditions and methods of teaching whereby sound so- cial, political, and economic doctrine is to be inculcated in the hearts and minds of their children. BUT, again * * * From Chicago, the progressive met- ropolis of the great middle west, comes a press despatch to the effect that THE TEACHERS FEDERATION IS TO BE SUPPRESSED AND THE LEAD- ERS OR OFFICERS OF SAID FED- ERATION ARE TO BE DEPRIVED OF THEIR POSITIONS. Why? Be- cause— The big business interests fear the teachers, for they know that the teachers can inculcate the right principles and the proper knowledge of affairs into the minds of the children. They know that these right principles spell the downfall of their power. They know that the alliance of the teachers with organized labor means that these teachers will be awake to the problems of the day, will be able better to understand the questions at issue, and will so be able to teach the children what is right—Margaret Haley, Business agent of the Federation, in Tue Pustic, Sept. 8, 1915. A teachers’ organization that has the courage to fight the sinister influence of corrupt business and corrupt politics may, be depended upon to offer a stiff fight in defense of its undisputed constitutional rights and privileges, guaranteed by municipality, state, and nation. The fight is an important one. Both sides are mar- shalling their forces for a decisive com- bat. Fortunately, the teachers of Chicago have, as did the teachers of Cleveland, the moral and material backing of or- 108 THE AMERICAN TEACHER ganized labor. The Chicago Federation of Labor adopted the following resolu- tion : RESOLVED, That organized labor hereby expresses its determination that the rights of labor and of citizenship shall not be abridged or annulled by the board of education, and that the Teachers’ Fed- eration, an organization of demonstrated effectiveness in the protection of the public from grievous mismanagement or corruption in present or future boards of education, shall not be destroyed. This makes Chicago the stage upon which is to be enacted a life and death drama of national and international im- portance. The Chicago teachers are forced to assume the chief role. Some of us, no doubt, are hard at work pre- paring as understudies. The rest of us, interested spectators and ardent sym- pathizers, must adopt the policy of “watchful waiting.” wh, er It is fair to assume, in the absence of information to the contrary, that school commissioners are quite as devoted to the welfare of the children as are the teachers. On them devolves the duty of appointing teachers, and therefore they should have the power of removing in case of incompetence or other disquali- fication. But we cannot see that mem- bership in a federation, a church, a fra- ternal order or even in a dancing club can be held, a priori, to constitute incom- petence for the teaching business. Un- less we get information to the contrary, we shall continue to assume that those Chicago commissioners are honest and in- telligent public servants. But, unless we get information to the contrary, we shall also continue to assume that they are stupidly transferring to the conduct of public business the short-sighted and anti- social policies that they apply in their private affairs. Above all let us seek the details of the case. If there are any lessons to learn, let us show the world that we are as good students as teachers. And if “prepared- ness” be the final lesson, let us make the best of it. THE CHICAGO SCHOOL FIGHT The Teachers’ Federation of Chicago has long been a thorn in the side of privileged business. For nearly two decades it has checked or exposed many a well-laid plan of private interests to secure unearned pro- fits at the expense of the school children. Beginning with a successful fight that se- cured for the school fund taxes withheld by public service corporations and State Street landowners, it has continued its good work to the present day. Of course, it is ’ disliked. Tax-dodging monopolists con- sider its course offensive. So do the Chi- cago Tribune and the Daily News, since the Federation will not allow the public to forget how school land has been leased to them on terms that rob the school children. So do those lessees who are to be forced to fight in court for the favors mysteriously granted them by the official appraisers. So do the interests that are planning to make vocational training in the schools serve their selfish purposes. Moreover, plans are now being laid by private individuals to grab some of the city’s school lands in out- lying districts. It is certain that the first step toward carrying out these plans will be met with opposition from the Teachers’ Federation. Hence the necessity of destroy- ing the Federation, or at least compelling it to make a fight for existence, in order to keep it from interfering with the plans of privileged business. So the first move has been made in the Board of Education to precipitate such a fight. Citizens who are more interested in an efficient school system than in the plans of privileged business, will do well to come to the aid of the Federation.—Tue Pustic, Sept. 3, 1915. IDEALISM AND RESIGNATION Ir appeaRS from the press dispatches that the session of the National Education Association at Oakland, Cal., in the month of August, was enlivened by a political fight, possibly it was a scramble, for the office of President for the en- suing year. Little as we know of the facts at this time and distance, we do know what the crowd thinks when a profes- sional political promoter quits the game 2 eee £6 a Oe CO the hes Hon the ya ble, en- acts now fes- THE AMERICAN TEACHER 109 at which he has been beaten. Much as we feel chagrined at the spectacle of that great office of our strongest pro- fessional organization being regarded by anyone as a prize package to be won by the methods of the political prize ring, we do not ge the crowd the satis- faction of smiling. The personnel of a teachers’ profes sional organization cannot and should not be determined even by the organiza- tion itself. But at times of upheaval, or when critical issues arise in the natural course of work, members, and even a single member, should have the right to say, and should not hesitate to say, that certain ideals, and not certain persons, are of preéminent importance to the life and the work of the organization. It is not unusual for prominent individ- uals to interfere seriously with the de- velopment of idealism in a professional organization of any kind by the threat of resignation or schism. The only wise course for an organization to pursue under circumstances of that kind is to provide an easy way out for any that wish to go. If it so happens that ideal- ism walks out with the seceders, very good. Idealism will live if somebody stands with it and for it; but it will perish if somebody’s threat forces a feeble compromise. It is not at all unpractical to regard the resignation of discontented members of an organization as a very useful event. If the discontented ones have shown that they are not interested in the profes- sional purpose of the organization, then the professional purpose can better be attained without them. Numbers and- their money mean little. And it is very useful if in a fat and lazy hive there are enough busy bees to get out and make a fresh start for the species somewhere else. Whichever way we look at the situation, we ought not to feel discour- aged if the defeated candidate for the presidency of the N E A has resigned from the organization, and taken others with her. THE DOMINATION OF ANTIQUITY IN ENGLAND IT seems to be beyond dispute that the study, firstly of Latin, and much more recently of Greek, were followed in our Universities and in grammar schools, not as educational exercises in the use of lan- guage, but as keys to unlock the store rooms—the books—in which the knowledge of the ancients was contained. So long as these keys were needed, it was reasonable enough that every well-educated man should “spend such time as was necessary in pro- viding himself with the keys. But now that the store-rooms are empty—now that their contents have been appropriated and scat- tered far and wide—in all languages of civilization, it seems to be merely an un- reasoning continuation of superannuated custom to go on with the provision of these keys. Such, however, is the force of habit that it continues: new and ingenious rea- sons for the practise are put forward, whilst its original object is entirely forgotten. In the first place, it has come to be regarded as a mark of good breeding, and thus an end in itself, for a man to have some first-hand acquaintance with Latin and Greek authors, even when he knows no other literature. It is a fashion, like the wearing of a court dress. This cannot be held to justify the employment of most of the time and energy of youth in its acquire- ment. A second reason which is now put for- ward for the practise is that the effort and labour expended on the provision of these keys—even tho it is admitted that they are useless—are a wonderful and incomparably fine exercise of the mind, fitting it for all sorts of work. A theory of education has been enunciated which fits in with this defense of the continued attempt to com- pel young men to acquire a knowledge, how- ever imperfect, of the Latin and Greek lan- guages. It is held that what is called ‘train- ing the mind’ is the chief, if not the only proper, aim of education; and it is declared that the continuation of the study of those once useful, but now useless, keys—Latin and Greek—is an all-sufficient training. If this theory were in accordance with the 1i0 facts, the conclusion in favour of giving a very high place to the study so recommend- ed would be inevitable. But the facts do not support this theory. Clever youths are taken and pressed into the study of Greek and Latin, and we are asked to conclude that their cleverness is due to these studies. On the other hand, we maintain that tho the study of grammar may be, when pro- perly carried out, a valuable exercise, yet that it is easily converted into a worthless one, and can never in any case take the place of various other forms of mental training, such as the observation of natural objects, the following out of experimental demonstration of the qualities and relations of natural bodies, and the devising and execution of experiment as the test of hypothesis. Apart from ‘training’ there is the need for providing the mind with in- formation as well as method. .The knowl- edge of Nature is eagerly assimiliated by young people, and no training in mental gymnastics can be a substitute for it or an excuse for depriving the young of what is of inestimable value and instinctively de- sired.—Professor E. Ray LANKESTER, in The Kingdom of Man. SCHOOL AND COMMUNITY * STEADY PROGRESS is being made in con- verting the school into a conscious instru- ment of community action. The new law in Ohio permits the use of all school grounds and buildings, as well as all other buildings maintained by taxes or controlled by the state, for the education and entertainment of the people, young and old, as well as for the “discussion of all topics tending to the development of personal character and of civic welfare.” Responsible organiza- tions, or groups of seven or more citizens may obtain the use of such buildings or grounds, and boards of education are authorized to employ leaders for civic or social centers, and to give lectures and instruction. CoLUMBUS PROBABLY leads in making use of the new opportunities. Special THE AMERICAN TEACHER provision for a social center has been made in one of the parks, including an auditorium for political and social gather- ings, a completely equiped gymnasium and a kitchen for picnickers. Similar pro- visions are being planned in three other parts of the city. There has also been established a children’s theater main- tained at public expense, as an educa- tional and recreational agency. In Oregon a new law provides for the free use of public schoolhouses as civic centers. In Kansas, a new law authorizes cities in the first class to tax for public recrea- tion and playgrounds. In Illinois, a new law authorizes the use of school buildings for recreational, social and civic meetings. An Act of the last Congress will per- mit the use of public school buildings and grounds in the District of Columbia for supplementary educational purposes, civic meetings for the discussion of public questions, social centers, centers of rec- reation, and of public school playgrounds during the school year and during vaca- tion, under such regulations as may be prescribed by the board of education. Milwaukee has installed 25 of the finest type of pool or billard tables in its public-school buildings. A free moving picture show is given every night at the Public High School of Santa Rosa, Cal. To discover and train leaders in com- munity work, there will be opened in New York this season a Training School for Community Center Workers. In ad- dition to supervised field work, there is offered direct instruction, a series of con- ferences and a seminar course “which will focalize on the community center problem the light from wider interests and from the theoretical sciences—from psychology, economic history and eco- nomics, and sociology.” Among the topics to be discussed in the conferences will be “the school as an agency in social develop- ment,” and “the local approach to govern- ment.” nd for vic ylic ec- ads the its ven l of om- Jew for ad- e is ‘on- hich nter ‘ests rom eco- ypics ll be lop- ern- THE AMERICAN TEACHER 111 BOOK NOTES Order your books thru The American Teacher MENTALLY Derective CuiLprem, Alfred Binet and Thomas Simon M D. Translated by W B Drummond Pp xi. 179. New York, Longmans, Green & Company, 1914. $1. THosk wHo have discarded empiricism in favor of scientific determination in education will appreciate this authorized translation of the work of Messrs Binet and Simon. The critical literature on their Intelligence Tests is so extensive and often contradictory that English reading students have often been non- plussed. The availability of the original matter in English will help to clear away many mis- conceptions and lead to clearer thinking. In his excellent introduction Professor Darroch emphasizes the point often overlooked that the tests are only a “first means” by which backward children may be singled out. The final disposition of any case is to be made by the teacher, the psychologist, and the physi- cian. The three main chapters of the book are devoted respectively to these three factors: 1. “Some features of the psychology of defec- tives,” 2. “Pedagogical examination of de- fective school children,” and 3. “The medical examination of defectives.” The concluding chapter—The educational and social returns of schools and classes for defectives— is par- ticularly enlightening. A strong plea is made for careful management and proper equipment of schools and classes for defectives. The optimistic conclusion is, “We shall grope, we shall make attempts, certainly we shall commit mistakes, which will not matter very much if only we have the mind to recognize them and the courage to make them right.” For practical purposes the appendix is of great value. Here are given the tests of 1911 to- gether with general and specific instruction for administering them. Types or Teacuinc, Lida B Earhart Ph D Pp xv. 277. New York, Houghton Mifflin Com- pany, 1915. $1.25. THe autHor of Types of Teaching has rendered a distinct service to students of peda- gogy by giving a very clear and well arranged exposition of the recognized modes of teach- ing. The book is not the result of an extended research in one particular line of thot. Rather is it a summary—clear, concise, correct—of various modes of pedagogical procedure that have interested educators for a long time. There is nothing new. No claim for original- ity is made. Its strongest point is its peda- gogical arrangement and presentation. To the student in training and to the busy teacher this book must prove of real value. A notable feature is the appendix, which contains about ten model lesson plans. Last but not least is an admirable outline of the book—a distinct aid to intelligent study. The exercises and bibliography at the end of each chapter are excellent. THE SCHOOL AND THE NEW CITIZEN IN A FEW cities the boards of educa- tion are conducting citizenship classes with the co-operation of the courts of naturalization. Los Angeles has per- fected this phase of “community civics” to a high degree. Several citizenship re- ceptions are held under the auspices of various patriotic organizations during the year for the students who attend the naturalization classes of the public schools. On these occasions, which may be called commencement exer- cises, each successful naturalized ap- plicant is made very proud when his name is called and he receives his “certificate of citizenship” as a di- ploma. Naturalization courts and school au- thorities working hand in hand can make these men citizens not only by law but in fact as well—Circular, U. S. Bureau of Education. IF only we could make young persons acquainted in some way with their hidden mental and moral powers, what a race of men and women might we not have, with- out waiting for that uncertain day when the inheritance of the race will be im- proved!—Professor Epwin G. CONKLIN, in Heredity and Environment in the Develop- ment of Men. THE SUPERVISOR SOLILOQUIZES Am I a gentleman? Am I a sneak? Do I stand behind doors and listen? Do I greet a teacher politely on enter- . ing the room? Or, do I, without knocking, suddenly open the door and make an “I’m here!” entrance? Do I make my exit with a smile, a pleasant “good-day”— Or, do I leave as if oblivious to the existence of teacher and children? Am I a scholar? Do I know my subject? Do my visits bring anything helpful and uplifting to the ernest teacher? Do I understand the work I am criti- cizing? Or am I just a plain, every-day bluff? Am I human? Do I treat teachers as my equals, as fellow-workers in the same honor- able profession ? Do I humiliate the teacher before her class—by yelling at her, by criticiz- ing her audibly, by interrupting the recitation, by conducting myself boorishly ? Are my adverse criticisms limited to picayune fault-finding? Do I base my estimate of the teacher’s classroom work upon cold, barren, pedagogical principles of method- ology ? Or, do I make due allowance for the pulsating persona! influence of the teacher upon the children? Do I withhold deserved credit and public approval of good work? Am I a human wet-blanket? Do my visits take the steam and en- thusiasm out of the class-room, leaving the teacher spineless, speech- less, nerveless, hopeless? Are my visits looked forward to by the teachers with fear and trepida- tion? Do I mark the teachers in the spirit of “Now I’ve got you?” Am I courageous? Do I truckle to my superiors? Do I bulldoze my subordinates ? Am I honest? Do I so treat the teachers that the re- sultant high-pressure work re- dounds to my own profit and re- nown as a supervising officer? Do I make the original class-room de- vices and ideas of the teachers en- hance my reputation as a Leading Educator ? Do I mark “ex parte” and make my reports without first apprizing the teachers of their contents? Do I strive to make the schools of which I so proudly boast in public good enough for my own children to attend? Some teachers still require rules, defini- tions, and poems to be committed before any attempt is made to understand them. Many of those who attempt to use the de- velopment method are failing because they are training their pupils to guess, and because they do not clinch a principle or rule after it has been developed. Many pupils are weak because certain funda- mental facts that are necessary for fur- ther advancement have not been drilled into the system to such an extent as to be used automatically. 100% In EveRY one of the 54 grammar schools, of Portland, Ore., there is a Par- ent-Teachers Association. Men as well as women are members of these associa- tions, and three have business men as presidents. School excursions form an important feature of the work. Brick yards, lumber yards, and chair factories are visited by the pupils. A committee of 16 men have special charge of this work, one of whom accompanies the chil- dren on every trip. 112