| American Teacher Democracy in Education; Education for Democracy. Vou. Al nd 8 NEW YORK, OCTOBER, 1916-3 FA Begs a Year inn & a a | | & cnrn — a . ae; UM i 3 N ee The Helping Hand by bt. How can | best help the Children? By making up my mind to Stop Complaining DO By thinking myself out of the Trivialities of Machine Existence By throwing the Weight of My Will upon my Best Gifts, and taking a Brand from a Flaming Ideal By joining with my Fellows in the Profession to make it Self-respect- ing and Respected RATING AND PROMOTION OF TEACHERS: F IsaBet DAVENPORT Teacher of Psychology, Training School for Teachers, New York. I take it for granted that the subject of the rating of teachers and of what is known as the “superior merit plan” have passed the academic stage as far as our attitude is concerned, and I shall there- fore not use any time to discuss the policy itself, or to talk about its mere- tricious effects. I shall deal instead with the practical question of the abolition of what is admitted to be a failure in its application, and both unpedagogica! and unsocial in its essential nature. Your committee on rating, promotion and salary has recently devoted consider- able effort to learning the opinions and convictions of teachers, principals and other supervisors, especially of those with whom its members ordinarily do not come in contact. It is the result of this investigation which largely determines the trend and character of my talk here to- night. Almost without exception every thot- ful, experienced person with whom we have talked, frankly recognizes and de- precates the evils attendant upon rating; but almost equally universal are such questions as, “How can the public and board of education be persuaded that teachers should not be rated?” “How can promotion be conducted without rat- ing?’ and “What shall we put in its place?” Further questioning and analysis in- dicate that one of the chief difficulties which lie in the way of the entire aboli- tion of the practise, is the fact that thru habit, rating and ratings have come to be confused with other issues in the thot of teachers and supervisors. That the minds of the men and women who com- pose the Board of Education are not so tainted by these associations, is our greatest hope for a speedy deliverance. First there is the confounding of *Talk before Teachers’ League, New York, June 5, 1914. technical rating with the general estima- tion which people everywhere form of each other’s character and ability. Linked with this is the feeling already mentioned that somehow it will be diffi- cult to persuade the public and the Board of Education that we should not be rated. When we speak of rating we refer to the formal expression of a supervisor’s opinion of a teacher by means of letters or other symbols or “marks”—these marks being recorded as the measure of the rated person’s efficiency; with the possibility of their being used as de- termining factors in his future welfare. As far as I have been able to learn this practise, which has been fastened upon the schools of New York City, is almost an anomaly in normal adult society. In no other of the so-called learned profes- sions, fields in which a premium is set upon scholarship and its application ; nor in any of the industries and arts wherein skill and creative power are demanded; nor in any of the other social institutions devoted to human uplift and growth, is it believed that efficiency can be secured, or that skill and power and high moral and spiritual aims can be obtained, thru giving marks. Indeed any efficient man of affairs and the president of any board of education would blush, knowing him- self to be weak and absurd, in resorting to the use of A’s, B’s, and C’s to coerce good work from a poor stenographer, or as a reward and incentive to a good one. I believe that it will not be over diff- cult for the Board of Education and the public at large to see that the maintain- ing of a practise so artificial necessitates a formalism that dehumanizes school work. IT Another difficulty which we meet with is due to the confusing of rating with the testing and measuring of efficiency. The rating of teachers has no value for the testing, or for the expressing of effi- ciency. Efficiency along any line must 114 be measured in units of the work done. Thus a typist can write so many words a minute, a machine do so many foot- pounds of work; a man average so many bricks laid a day. The efficiency of a teacher must be measured by the number and strength of valuable habits formed in her pupils, by the power which she has developed in each child to get and apply facts, by the child’s enlarged capacity and desire for social service, etc. No such standard of measurement yet exists. Some attempt has been made to meas- ure the teacher’s efficiency by the num- ber of pupils promoted, books read, or amount of subject matter covered. But everyone acquainted with school work knows how valueless these standards are as a real test of efficiency, and how de- moralizing to a teacher when actually applied. There has been some gain along the line of working out standards for measuring the pupil’s ability in cer- tain of the more formal operations, but even this is a test of what the pupil can do when under certain conditions, and tells little or nothing of habits established. As yet anything like adequate standards for measuring the efficiency of the in- dividual teacher in units of her most im- portant work, are entirely lacking. When research workers in education succeed in finding us such standards, and we have learned to apply them, we shall hope to have the results expressed in the honor- able terms of our labor and not in letters of the alphabet. III Another difficulty is due to the fact that in the thot of many rating is con- fused with promotion. That persons in all fields of activity are promoted with- out a system of ratings is evidence enough that there is no essential relation be- tween the two. But keeping to the school system in this city, probably no one sup- poses that the more highly paid positions are filled on the basis of the ratings which the candidates have previously re- ceived. I have recently examined five different blanks which are sent to be filled out in order to obtain information THE AMERICAN TEACHER 115 concerning candidates, but nowhere on these is there any inquiry concerning ratings. Principals state frankly that rat- ings are seldom considered in promotion, and teachers complain that while A’s do not obtain, B’s have been used to debar from advancement. Within our superior merit experience we know of cases where a majority of A’s have not secured the fit and meritorious mark, while a major- ity of B’s and B + ’s have been rewarded with declaration of superior merit and maximum salary. I do not wish to be understood as criticising adversely the fact that there is so little relation between ratings and promotion in our school system. I wish merely to point out that even those who give ratings, have no confidence in them as a basis for promotion, and that one of the chief reasons given for continuing the practise has little if any foundation in fact. The question of promotion is a prob- lem by itself, and we do not have to solve it in order to abolish ratings. But as we have been asked to say something along this line, we must say that the whole theory and practise of promotion in our schools rests upon a falsé concep- tion of education, a conception which, on the one hand, places almost any ac. tivity which a qualified teacher may be called upon to perform above the actual work of teaching; and which, on the other, ranks teaching of subject matter to children whose mental and physical habits are for the most part formed, as of more importance than the work of establishing valuable habits most of which, if they are to be established at all, must become fixed during the first years of school life. This reversal of educational values has resulted, especially in the high and train- ing schools, in an unfortunate system of superior and subordinate positions, with large differences in salary, among teachers having practically the same qualifications and teaching the same subject. The teacher appointed first assistant super- vises his fellows, and does such other work as he may be called upon by the 116 principal to do, such as taking charge of the attendance, looking after the heating apparatus or making out programs, etc., the number of hours of teaching he does being lessened accordingly. But what- ever the nature of the extra class ac- tivity may be, promotion consists pri- marily in one of the teachers of a given subject being made the permanent head and supervisor of the others, of being relieved to a greater or less degree, as the case may be, of the real work of edu- cation, and of receiving therefor five hundred dollars a year more salary. In some cases in the training schools, (I do not know whether the same condition exists in any of the high schools) there are departments consisting of but two and three teachers, one of whom, as head of the department, receives seven hun- dred and fifty dollars a year extra salary. Under such conditions the problems of promotion are serious, and much ill feeling is engendered which the practise of rating serves to augment. The soiu- tion of the problem here is thru the elimination of the position, and salary of the first assistant, and in substituting the practise of electing a department chairman who shall serve a certain length of time, say a term or a year, without extra pay. His hours of teaching could be lessened to give time for the added duties of chairman. This plan would save the city over one hundred, perhaps two hundred thousand dollars a year, would relieve the training and high schools of the caste system which now saps their vitality, and would release the tremendous fund of power which must be resident in the two thousand or more high and training school teachers, but which finds no adequate expression in the upbuild of the schools. Further, that may reveal other departments of the system where the same _ prin- ciple might be applied in solving the problem of promotions. But the first step is to get rid of ratings. It will then have been made possible to deal intelli- gently with the subject of promotion. IV But the question most frequently met THE AMERICAN TEACHER with in our investigation, is “what shall be put in the place of ratings?” Within the last two weeks I have talked with two superintendents. Each spoke frankly of the harmful effects of ratings. One was especially outspoken in declaring the practise of rating unpedagogical and pernicious, but when he was asked if he would join in an effort to have it abandoned, he said he would if anything could be found to take its place. The pertinent question thus arises, what is its place? Its place is not, as I have pointed out, to serve as a basis for promotion, or as a means of measuring or expressing efficiency. Its only excuse in the system is to serve as an instrument with which to deal with poor teachers, and as a means of securing conformity to what is euphemistically and vaguely termed “law- ful authority,” but which in actual prac- tise becomes the will of the supervisor. So the question resolves itself into first, What shall be put in the place of ratings as a means of dealing with poor teachers? and secondly, What shall be used in the place of the rating policy to secure conformity? There is but one way to deal with poor teachers when their failure to do good work is due to lack in scholarship and ability or to permanent moral or physical weakness, and that is not to have them. There is a three-year probationary period before a teacher in the city schools is granted a permanent license. If poor teachers are being admitted into the sys- tem in any considerable numbers the su- pervisors, without whose recommenda- tion they could not be admitted, are at fault, and should be held strictly to ac- count. What is needed in the place of ratings here is good supervision. But a flagrant cause of poor teaching is found in poor school conditions, such as too large classes, unsanitary buildings, and a militarism which weakens the men- tal and physical forces. In the place of ratings as a spur to enervated teachers, we need physical conditions that render health possible, and a conception of edu- —=S—lUTOnrrlUh Te —lhlCUr hO—OrlhC(Ci cation that makes teaching seem worth the while. There is but one real purpose, which the practise of rating teachers can satis- factorily fulfil, and that is to secure conformity. The function of rating is essentially the function of the whip. Granting this to be its sole real use, there is nothing to put in its place. It is not a matter of substituting birch for hick- ory, but of cutting out flogging. All that has been said against the use of the rod as a means of controlling children is to be said against the use of marks to con- trol teachers. In place of the whip in the hand of the teacher are needed scholar- ship, ability and a large regard for, and faith in, human personality; and on the side of the child a social environment that makes normal development possible. In place of the rating system in the hands of supervisors, there is needed first of all, well qualified teachers, and after that, plenty of means furnished for profes- THE AMERICAN TEACHER 117 sional improvement, physical conditions favorable to good work, and, above all, opportunity for the exercise of the teacher’s powers in the vital life of the school. This will not secure conformity primarily, but it will result in growth of professional ideals, in the development of the powers of both teachers and su- pervisors, and in the type of co-operation which is the cordial working together of all for the highest attainable ends, and this is what I understand to be the only aim of education which is compatible with American ideals. In closing I wish to say that I have sufficient faith in the good judgment of the members of the Board of Education, and of its committee on by-laws to be- lieve that these facts, properly brought before them, would find a response which would result, before long, in the entire abandonment of a policy which they would be bound to see is detrimental to the best interests of the schools. THE DILEMMA OF THE TEACHERS’ PAY BENJAMIN C GRUENBERG AT THE ANNUAL meeting of The Na- tional Education Association, resolutions were adopted endorsing the principle of paying teachers without discrimination as to sex. Altho some nine-tenths of the teachers in the country are women, and altho the character of the member- ship of the N E A has not changed ma- terially in the last decade, this resolu- tion could not have been adopted half a dozen years ago. While the growth of feminism may have influenced some of the opinions that contributed to this resolution, that movement on the whole was not a decisive element in the situa- tion. The resolution comes at the end of a series of agitations carried on in different parts of the country for the establish- ment of what has been called “equal pay for equal work.” In New York City this principle of equal pay went in- to practise in January, 1912. In his last annual report the City Superintendent of Schools in Cincinnati urged upon the Board of Education the desirability of adopting this idea as soon as possible. And elsewhere the idea is gradually be- coming familiar to city officials and ad- ministrators, at least as a slogan. The growth of the agitation and the decline of active opposition to the idea of paying women teachers the same sala- ries as are paid to men teachers mark the emergence of a new attitude toward our economic relations generally. They indicate that people are asking them- Selves. the meaning of their wage or salary. And it is only natural that those workers who are by training and habit more given to asking questions than the rest of the community should be — the first to push this question forwar into consciousness. 118 The simple cynic who distinguishes be- tween a wage and a salary by saying that one is paid by the week and the other by the month has seen only the surface. There is a more fundamental difference, and one that involves serious difficulties when it comes to adjusting the size of a worker’s pay. There is involved, in- deed, the whole matter of the relation of pay to the value of services. We have been accustomed for so long that the memory of no living man can recall to the contrary, to paying women lower wages than men receive for similar work, that the first reaction to the pro- posal to equalize the salaries of teachers was naturally enough the self-assured declaration that it could not be done— it was absurd on the face of it. Women never had received the same pay as men, and therefore they should not in the future. This reply was just as obvious as would be your answer to the proposal to equalize the incomes of all men, re- gardless of the kind of work they do. Men who do dirty work have always been paid less than those who do clean, attractive work, therefore they should continue to get less. But as soon as men could catch their breaths they were prepared with a better answer—two of them in fact. The first is that it is contrary to the “law of supply and demand” to pay women as much as men. The second one calls at- tention to the fact that in general men have others dependent upon them, where- as the women workers do not as a rule; and that therefore men are morally en- titled to higher rates of compensation. A little thot will convince us, however, that these attempts to place the issue on the lofty plane of law and morals was but a bit of pedantry into which we are all apt to slip when placed in the argu- mentative attitude. For the statement that the law of supply and demand requires women to be paid less than men is simply another way of saying that in the labor market women have been cheaper than men. It is a rather dim recognition of the fact that under existing economic conditions THE AMERICAN TEACHER the wage bears no relation to. the cost of living on the one hand, or to the hu- man or social value of the product on the other. We are pushed about in the labor market, now going up, now down, our momentary level determined by such irrelevant factors as a new design by a French costumer and a patent decision by the court. It is in its form of an attack upon the agitation for “equal pay” an aggressive claim to an implied right; it is in substance, however, a weak concession to those who pay wages, an admission that these have the right —hbecause they have the power—to pay just as little as they need, or just as much as they must. The second formal reply at once ex- plains the first, and then shifts the issue. For one of the reasons why women are cheaper in the market than men is this very fact that the man’s wage is—or in the past has been—generally the family wage, whereas the woman’s wage has generally been an individual wage. But whereas the acceptance of the law of supply and demand seemed necessary to the opponents of the “equal pay” agita- tion, it is at once repudiated in the at- tempt to make the opposition stronger. For in claiming that men have a moral right to higher pay because of their greater responsibilities we discard the market standards and adopt one based solely on the needs of the workers and their dependents. Surely, those who adopt this line of argument prove too much. Suppose you object to equal pay on the ground of the economic law of supply and demand. If then the women formed a sufficiently powerful union and held out for “equal pay,” it would be right enough for them to get it, altho we should recognize that they would be re- ceiving a monapoly wage. On the other hand, suppose that you object to equal pay on the ground that men, having greater responsibilities, are entitled to higher rates of compensation. In that case, would you agree to scaling the pay of public employes on the basis of the size of family? For if the spinster lady, 1u- on he m, ch on an ial ed s, ht ay as doing what is acknowledged to be the equivalent of my work, but having no one dependent upon her, while I have a wife and a handful of ‘children depen- dent upon me, is not allowed by right to receive the same pay as I get, am I not entitled to an additional bonus over what Smith is getting, who is not mar- ried at all, and is a jolly good sport? Thus we may see that the opposition to equal pay on the ground of market conditions simply accepts what has been as what ought to be; whereas the opposi- tion on the ground of different social re- sponsibility despite equivalence of service repudiates the market methods of de- termining pay and accepts the principle of paying each according to his needs. But how is it with those who approve the idea of equal pay? There are first of all those who accept the idea because the formula sounds essentially right— how can anyone claim “unequal pay for equal work?” Most of these people do not ask themselves the question as to what is meant by equal work. It would not be difficult to show, as has indeed been claimed by the opponents, that there never is absolute equality of service in the business of teaching. This is how- ever without significance ; for if it is true that the work of women is never identi- cal with the work of men in teaching, it is equally true that no two men do iden- tical work, and yet they would claim pay according to a uniform scale. The important point is that in certain occu- pations the value of the service is not to be measured by hours or by material units of product. In teaching the value of service varies with experience and devotion and enthusiasm and energy and scholarship and maturity of thought and outlook—a hundred immaterial factors that cannot be weighed or counted or measured, but that do nevertheless make the services of one teacher highly valu- able to the community while the services of another are indifferent or worse. Un- der these circumstances it is out of the question to speak of equal pay for equal work, for there is no equal work. But the inequality is independent of the sex THE AMERICAN TEACHER 119 of the teacher, so that the only claim which the reformer can make is that the determination of salaries shall not be influenced by the sex of the incumbent, which, from an abstract point of view, is certainly just. To the objection that the disregarding of sex is in violation of the economic law of supply and demand, many teachers make the sufficient answer that the rec- ognition of a principle of justice is more important than the compliance with a rule of the market-place. We know of course that this so-called “law” is more than a rule of the market-place; it is a real and active force in determining the level of prices and wages. What the at- titude of these teachers and their pro- tagonists really means is that the de- termination of these rates of pay should be removed from the competitive field in which alone the law of supply and de- mand has any validity. In other words, like those who oppose equal pay, they would seek a new principle for determ- ining rates of pay for service. They would make the rate rest on some ob- jective standard of social value of ser- vice, whereas their opponents would have it rest on some subjective standard of the needs of the individual worker—or of classes of workers. So long as we continue to do as we have always done, we may live without theory and unhampered by the pale cast of thot. But when a new line of action is proposed we are at once forced to scratch our heads and stimulate the gray matter to activity, and this whether we accept the new proposal or repudiate it entirely. And here we have the in- teresting situation of groups of people who are diametrically opposed to each other on the subject of equal pay ap- proaching each other unawares by way of the back stairs. For what is implied by the rejection of the supply-and-demand system of fix- ing pay? Supply and demand rule the rates of wages where men and women have labor- power to sell in the “open market.” This view assumes a certain fluidity and mobil- 120 THE AMERICAN TEACHER ity of labor which in fact is never real- ized; but never mind, the point is that wages have nothing to do directly with the cost of up-keep of the laborer—as witness the thousands of workers en- gaged in the so-called “parasitic” indus- tries—and they have nothing to do direct- ly with the social utility of their services —as witness the thousands of workers engaged in industries that are positively harmful to the workers themselves as well as to society at large. When we once begin to raise questions as to the human cost of keeping a worker in condition to continue his work, we say that the cashier ought to be relieved of any apprehension as to the future of his family, he ought to be free to de- vote himself to his work without being obliged to press his own trousers or carry a dinner pail—and presto! we put him on a salary. That is, when we are confronted with the necessity of keeping a worker on a rather high level of efficiency, we subsidize him to attend to the business in question, and insure him and his family against his being thrown out on a week’s notice—or on no notice at all, as happens to ordinary wage-earners—and we insure him also that so long as he attends to business, he and his family will continue to be fairly comfortable, so far as the material con- ditions of life are concerned. In other words, we place him on a salary. We do not ask, How cheap a man can we get to do this work? We ask, What does it cost to support a man in such a station? The adoption of the principle of equal pay is virtually a shifting from the wage basis of compensating teachers to the salary basis. It is true that in all the larger cities the teachers have been nom- inally on a salary basis for many years. It is now only in the smallest communi- ties that the trustees bargain with the candidate as to the amount of money she is to get for keeping school next year. But the salaries of teachers in most cities have been for the most part sala- ries in form only. Essentially they have been amounts paid on a scale determined not by considerations of what it costs to maintain efficient men and women for certain kinds of public service, but on the consideration of what we must pay per month or per day, to get enough fairly acceptable men and women to take these jobs. The difference may be brought out by showing the different attitude toward the public service that is implied by each of these methods. We may conceive of the relation be- tween the state and the public school teacher in this fashion: The state is en- gaged in a certain enterprise (namely the training of its future citizenry) that re- quires the services of so many thousand men and women; this involves the pay- ment of moneys from the public treas- ury; what is the smallest sum of money for which we can get men and women to fill these jobs? The other relationship may be ex- pressed somewhat thus: The state is engaged in a certain enterprise that re- quires the services of thousands of men and women, who must, by virtue of this service, withdraw from the usual com- mercial and industrial enterprises thro which people support themselves; now what does it cost to support the kinds of men and women we need in this bus- iness, with their families? We may note that the reciprocal of the first point of view may read, “I need a job; I can get one working for the state at so much per year; I need the money and will take this job, and get what I can out of it.” The reciprocal of the second point of view may read, “I would like to be a teacher, but there is no money in it If I was sure I could meet all my neces- sary expenses—and my family’s —I would take that job, and put all I can into it.” It is not to be supposed that raising the salaries of teachers, or equalizing the salaries of teachers, will have the im- mediate effect of changing the attitude of the teachers in service from that sug- gested in the first of the above points (Continued on page 126.) isi bm =) on ay rh